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NORC
National Opinion Research Center
1% Identify as "Gay"
http://www2.norc.org/online/sex.pdf
American Sexual Behavior: Trends, Socio-Demographic Differences, and
Risk Behavior
Tom W. Smith
National Opinion Research Center
University of Chicago
GSS Topical Report No. 25
Updated
December, 1998
This research was done for the General Social Survey (GSS) project
directed by James A. Davis, Tom W. Smith, and Peter V. Marsden. The GSS is
supported by the National Science Foundation, Grant No. SBR-9717727.
Version 3.0
Introduction
Sexual behavior is not only of basic biological importance, but of
central social importance. Not only does it perpetuate the human species,
but it is the central behavior around which families are formed and defined,
a vital aspect of the psychological well-being of individuals, and a
component of a variety of social problems. Among current concerns tied in
part to sexual behavior are the familial problems of marital harmony and
divorce; criminal problems of rape, incest, child molestation, and
prostitution; reproductive problems of infertility, sterility, unwanted and
mistimed pregnancies, and abortion; and health problems related to sexually
transmitted diseases (STDs).
About 17% of adults 18-59 have had an STD and the lifetime infection rate
is likely to be over 20% (Laumann, Michael, Gognon, and Stuart, 1994).1
Moreover, with the advent of AIDS the medical problem of STDs has taken on
increasing urgency (Div. of HIV/AIDS Prevention, 1995 and Yankauer, 1994).
Deaths from AIDS rose at a rapid pace in the 1980s and early 1990s. By 1992
AIDS had become the number one cause of death among men 25-44. Only recent
improvements in medical treatments have curbed the rising levels of HIV to
AIDS conversions and lowered the death rate from AIDS (CDC, 1998; "AIDS
Falls," 1998; State and Local, 1998). Most HIV infections have resulted from
sexual behavior and heterosexual intercourse is increasingly becoming a mode
of transmission ("Heterosexuality," 1994; CDC, 1998).
Because of both the importance of sexual behavior in general and the
health crisis of AIDS in particular, we need to arm ourselves with a
thorough, scientifically reliable understanding of sexual behavior and
especially to study high-risk behavior (Hewitt and Beverley, 1996). In this
paper we will outline what is currently known about American sexual
behavior.2 Attention will
focus on 1) trends and 2) socio-demographic differences within the following
areas:
a) Premarital and Adolescent Sexual Activity including
Cohabitation and Non-marital Births
b) Adult and General Sexual Behavior including Extra-marital
Relations, Gender of Sexual Partners, Frequency of Sexual
Intercourse, and Sexual Inactivity
c) The Impact of AIDS on Sexual Behavior including Reported
Changes in Sexual Behavior, Number of Sexual Partners, Relationships
between Sexual Partners, Prostitution, and the Use of Condoms
Premarital and Adolescent Sexual Activity
Premarital sexual intercourse has become increasingly common over the
last century (Table 1A, see also Hopkins, 1998 and Whitbeck, Simons, and
Goldberg, 1996). This increase was not merely the result of the so-called
sexual revolution of the 1960s. The change was underway for decades prior to
the 1960s and has continued since then. Rates among men were moderately high
even from the beginning (61% of men born before 1910 report having had
sexual intercourse before marriage) and climbed steadily. Women had low
rates of premarital intercourse to begin with (only 12% of those born before
1910 had pre-marital sexual intercourse), but their rates grew more rapidly
than those of men and the gap between men and women has narrowed over time.
By the 1980s (roughly the 1965-1970 birth cohort) women had almost as much
sexual experience as men prior to marriage (in 1988 of those 15-19 60% of
men and 51.5% of women had engaged in premarital sex). This increase in
premarital sexual experience is confirmed by community studies (Wyatt,
Peter, and Guthrie, 1988 and Trocki, 1992) and longitudinal panels (Udry,
Bauman, and Morris, 1975).
Then in the early 1990s the century-long increase in the level of
premarital and adolescent sexual activity reached a peak and then declined
for the first time in decades (Table 1A and Bachrach, 1998; Besharov and
Gardiner, 1997; Stossel, 1997; and Peipert, et al., 1997). The decrease
appears to be greater for males than females, but both genders show a
levelling-off and then some reversal.3
With the increase in levels of premarital sexual intercourse came a fall
in the age of first intercourse (Table 1B). In 1970 5% of women age 15 and
32% age 17 were sexually experienced, by 1988 this had grown to 26% at age
15 and 51% at age 17 (see also Kahn, Kalsbeek, and Hofferth, 1988 and
Hofferth, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987). This trend also may have levelled-off
since then, but the evidence is inconclusive (Table 1B and Strunin and
Hingson, 1992).
When the increase in levels of premarital sexual intercourse is coupled
with the rising age at first marriage, this means that men and women are
spending longer and longer periods of their sexual life outside of marriage
(Ehrhardt and Wasserheit, 1992; Bachrach and Horn, 1987; Laumann, Gagnon,
Michael, and Michaels, 1994). Between 1960 and 1997 the median age at first
marriage rose from 22.8 to 26.8 for men and from 20.3 to 25.0 for women. For
women the median age of first premarital intercourse in 1960 was about 19.0
(Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989 and Bachrach and Horn, 1987), meaning on
average only a short period of premarital sexual activity. In 1990 the
median age at first sex was 16.9 for women (Divs. of Epidemiology and
Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; and Reproductive Health, 1992),
meaning an average exposure of 8.1 years. For men the period of premarital
sexual activity now averages 10.7 years (26.8 - 16.1).
With people spending longer periods engaged in premarital sexual activity
the number of lifetime sexual partners has also grown for both men and women
(Table 1C). Between the pre-1910 birth cohort and the 1940-49 birth cohort
the portion of men with two or more premarital sexual partners rose from 49%
to 73%, while for women the gain was from 3% to 26%. This trend continued at
least until recent years. For example, among sexually experienced women ages
15-19 living in metropolitan areas 38% had had 2 or more sexual partners in
1971 while by 1988 this had increased to 61%. More recently there is
evidence of a reversal of this trend. On the Youth Risk Behavior Surveys
(YRBS) the % of male high school students with 4+ sexual partners declined
from 1989 to 1997, but the trend among females is unclear.
Cohabitation
The rise in premarital and adolescent sexual activity, coupled with
delays in marriage, has led to more people living together. Since 1970 the
rate of living together outside of marriage has increased more than 6 fold,
from 1.1% to 7.0% of couples (Table 2). Similarly, the proportion of single
mothers who were cohabitating grew from 2% in 1970 to 12% in 1995 (London,
1998). While the proportion of couples and adults cohabitating at any one
point in time remains small, a large and growing percent live together at
some point. Currently over a third of adults in their mid-twenties to
mid-thirties cohabited at some point in their lives (Table 3A). Cohabitation
after and between marriages is even more common. According to the General
Social Survey (GSS) among those 25-44 who are in a second marriage, 61%
cohabited with their new spouse before marriage (GSS, 1994).
Cohabitation differs little by gender or race. It is higher among younger
adults, the divorced and never married, those in urban areas, and among
those who attend church less frequently. Current, but not prior cohabitation
with ones spouse, is higher among the less educated and those with lower
incomes (Table 3B).
Cohabitation is usually a short-term arrangement, typically resulting in
either marriage or a break-up after about a year (median duration of 1.3
years) (Thomson and Colella, 1992; Bumpass and Sweet, 1989; Thornton, 1988).
Cohabitation has often been characterized as a trial marriage and about
40% lead to marriage within two years and about 60% eventually culminate in
marriage between the cohabiting partners (Bumpass and Sweet, 1989). However,
marriages formed after cohabitation are rated as less stable and result in
more divorces than marriages not preceded by living together (Axinn and
Thornton, 1992; Brown and Booth, 1996; Clarkberg, Stolzenberg, and Waite,
1995; DeMaris and MacDonald, 1993; DeMaris and Rao, 1992; Lillard, Brien,
and Waite, n.d.; Popenoe, 1993; and Thomson and Colella, 1992). Cohabitation
thus "does not seem to serve very well the function of a trial marriage... (Popenoe,
1993)."
Those who are cohabiting have fewer sexual partners than those who are
unmarried and not cohabitating. However, people who are cohabitating have
more sexual partners than married couples (Waite and Joyner, 1996). For
example on the 1993-94 GSS the married averaged 0.97 partners last year, the
never married who were cohabiting had 1.38 partners, and the
non-cohabitating never married had 1.63 partners. That fact coupled with the
transitory state of most cohabitations makes living together riskier than
marriage when it comes to STDs (Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989; Kost and
Forrest, 1992).
Non-marital Births
With the link between sexual activity and marriage breaking down, the
connection between marriage and procreation has also lessened. In the 1960s
(and presumably before) when premarital sexual intercourse resulted in
conception, the women's pregnancy usually in turn led to a marriage before
the child was born (Table 4). Since then, the propensity of unmarried
parents to marry before the birth of their child has steadily fallen. By the
1990s less than 25% of women who conceived children before marriage got
married before their child's birth.
As a result of the higher level of premarital sexual activity and the
decline in marriages after a conception but prior to birth, there has been a
large increase in out-of-marriage births (Miller and Heaton, 1991 and Table
5). In 1960 only 5% of all births were to unmarried women. This climbed to
14% by 1975 and 33% by 1994. Then, after over 30 years of increase, the rate
leveled-off in 1994-96 at 32-33%.
The trend in the United States has been parallel to changes in culturally
similar, advanced industrial nations and not unique to the US. While the
percent of births to unmarried mothers climbed from 5% in 1960 to 32% in
1995 in the US, it rose from 5% to 34% in Great Britain, from 4% to 26% in
Canada, and from 6% to 37% in France (Statistical Abstract, 1998).
The rate of increase has been much greater for Whites than for Blacks.
For Whites the percent of unmarried births has expanded ten-fold from 2.3%
of all births in 1960 to 23.7% in 1996, while the Black level grew by just
over three-fold from 21.6% in 1960 to 70.4% in 1994. While the Black to
White ratio has fallen from a little over 9:1 in 1960 to under 3:1 in the
1990s, the gap between Blacks and Whites has risen from 19 percentage points
in 1960 to 44-46 percentage points from 1980 to 1996 (with a peak in 1993).
This means that almost a majority of White or Black mothers would have to
change their marital status to equal that of the other race. The cumulative
difference between Whites and Blacks is further shown by the fact that by
ages 30-34 only 23% of never-married, White women have given birth, while
69% of never-married, Black women have had a child (Bachu, 1991 & 1995;
Loomis and Landale, 1994).
While both Whites and Blacks have a greater proportion of births
occurring outside of marriage, they have achieved the gains through
decidedly different paths (Table 5). For Whites the unmarried birth rate
(number of births to unmarried women per 1,000 unmarried women ages 15-44)
rose throughout the period. It increased more than 4 times from 9 in 1960 to
38 in 1994-95. For Blacks their rate was quite variable over time. It fell
from 98 in 1960 to 79 in 1985 before climbing again to 91-93 in 1989-90 -
still below their birth rate in the 1960s. In the early-1990s the Black
unmarried birth rate then again declined, falling to 76 in 1996.
In addition, there is also a high level of unintended births (Abma et
al., 1997 and Williams, 1991). Of women 15-44 in 1995 who have had a child,
28% reported that they had an unintended birth and this reached 36% for
women 40-44. Of those with an unintended birth, 80% reported the birth as
mistimed and 20% as unwanted.
In brief, over the last century premarital sexual activity has become
more widespread, sexual initiation has started at younger ages, the period
of premarital sexual activity has lengthened, and the number of premarital
sexual partners increased. This expansion in premarital sexual activity in
turn led to major increases in cohabitation and unmarried child bearing.
But during the 1990s a small, but historic, reversal of some of these trends
occurred. The level of premarital and adolescent sexual activity levelled-off
and in some aspects retreated and the proportion of births outside of
marriage reached a plateau. These changes are partial rather than across the
board (e.g. levels of cohabitation continue to rise) and even those
behaviors that have levelled-off or reversed are at near record high rates.
But even limited changes to a massive, century-long trend are highly notable
and potentially important from a public health perspective.
Adult and General Sexual Behavior
Compared to the amount of information available on premarital and
adolescent sexual behavior, until recently there has been little
scientifically reliable data on the sexual behavior of adults or of the
population in general (Aral, 1994; di Mauro, 1995; and Seidman and Rieder,
1994). Moreover, the dearth of representative and credible studies has
created a vacuum that has been filled by unrepresentative and incredible
misinformation from popular magazines, sex gurus, and others. In this
section we review what is known about extra-marital relations, sexual
orientation, the frequency of sexual intercourse, and sexual inactivity.
Extra-marital Relations
There are probably more scientifically worthless "facts" on extra-marital
relations than on any other facet of human behavior. Popular magazines (e.g.
Redbook, Psychology Today, Cosmopolitan), advice
columnists (Dear Abby and Dr. Joyce Brothers), pop- sexologists (e.g. Morton
Hunt and Shere Hite) have all conducted or reported on "studies" of
extra-marital relations. These studies typically find extremely high level
of extra-marital activity (Reinisch, Sanders, Ziemba-Davis, 1988; Smith,
1989; Smith, 1991b; and Gibbs, Hamil, and Magruder-Habib, 1991). Hite for
example reported that 70% of women married five or more years "are having
sex outside of their marriage (Smith, 1988)." They also often claim that
extra-marital relations have become much more common over time. Dr. Brothers
(1990), for example, claims that 50% of married women now have sex outside
of marriage, double the level of a generation ago.
But representative, scientific surveys (Choi, Catania, and Dolcini, 1994;
Forste and Tanfer, 1996; Greeley, 1994; Greeley, Michael, and Smith, 1990;
Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Leigh, Temple, and Trocki,
1993; Tanfer, 1994; Treas and Giesen, 1996) indicate that extramarital
relations are less prevalent than pop and pseudo-scientific accounts contend
(Table 6). The best estimates are that about 3-4% of currently married
people have a sexual partner besides their spouse in a given year and about
15-17% of ever-married people have had a sexual partner other than their
spouse while married (Michael, Laumann, and Gagnon, 1993).
There is little direct and reliable trend information on extra-marital
relations before 1988. Since then, levels have not changed. Prior to then
there is indirect evidence that extra-marital relations may have increased
across recent generations. The figure of ever having extra-marital relations
rises from 13% among those 18-29 to 21% among those 40-49 (Table 7). It then
falls to 8% among those 70 and older. Since these are lifetime rates, one
would normally expect them either to increase across age groups or to
increase until a plateau is reached (this would be the case if few
first-time, extra-marital relations were started among older adults). The
drop among those 50 and older suggests that members of birth cohorts before
about 1940 were less likely to engage in extra-marital relations than are
spouses from more recent generations (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and
Michaels, 1994; Greeley, 1994).
In terms of current extra-marital relations Table 7 indicates that they
are more common among younger adults. This is largely a function of younger
adults having been married a shorter period of time. Some recently married
people have difficulty adjusting from a premarital pattern of multiple
sexual partners to a monogamous partnership and in general recent marriages
are more likely to end in divorce than long-term marriages. The rates of
extra-marital relations are about twice as high among husbands as among
wives (Table 7). Extra-marital relations are also more common among Blacks,
those with lower incomes, those who attend church less frequently, those who
have been separated or divorced (including those who have remarried), and
those who are unhappy with their marriage. It also may be more frequent
among residents of large cities, but the overall relationship with community
type is statistically significant only for the last 12 months. Finally,
extramarital relations in the last year are more likely to occur among the
less educated, but the lifetime pattern with education is mixed and unclear.
Gender of Sexual Partners
Few debates have been so contentious as the controversy over the sexual
orientation of Americans (Billy, et al., 1993; Stokes and McKirnan, 1993;
Michaels, 1997; and Swann, 1993). The gay and lesbian communities have long
adopted 10% as the portion of the population that is homosexual.4
However, a series of recent national studies (Table 8A) indicate that only
about 2-3% of sexually active men and 1-2% of sexually active women are
currently homosexual. These national American estimates are consistent with
figures from local communities in the United States (Trocki, 1992; McQuillan,
Ezzati-Rice, Siller, Visscher, and Hurley, 1994; Guterbock, 1993; and Rogers
and Turner, 1991), indirect measurements (Aguilar and Hardy, 1991), and
statistics from Great Britain, France, Norway, and Denmark (AIDS
Investigators, 1992; Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings, Bradshaw, and Field,
1992; Biggar and Melbye, 1992; Melbye and Biggar, 1992; Sundet, et al.,
1988; Sandfort, 1998; and Diamond, 1993)(Table 8B).
Rates of same gender contact increase as the reference period is
extended. Recent figures (Table 9) indicate that 3.0% of sexually active
males have had a male sexual partner in the last 12 months, 3.9% during the
last five years, and 5.9% since age 18 (See also Smith, 1991a and Michael,
Laumann, and Gagnon, 1993).5
As the time frame is lengthened, the % of men with only male partners
declines. Over the last 12 months 2.4% are gay and 0.6% are bisexual, over
the last five years it is 2.5% gay and 1.4% bisexual, and since age 18 less
than 1% are gay and 4%+ bisexual.6
Most of those who report both male and female sexual partners since age 18
report only opposite gender partners during the last year (Smith, 1991a).
Lesbians follow these same patterns.
There is little reliable evidence on whether sexual orientation has
changed before the late 1980s.7
In terms of attitudes levels of approval of homosexuality slightly declined
from 1973 to 1991, but then rose notably in 1992-98 (Laumann, Gagnon,
Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Smith, 1994; and Davis and Smith, 1998). Since
then, no change seems to be occurring in the sexual orientation of the
public (Table 9).8
Studies of male and female homosexuality both in the United States and
Europe regularly find a higher proportion of males are gay than the share of
females who are lesbian (Tables 8A & 8B and Spira, Bajos, Ducot, 1994; Wells
and Sell, 1990; AIDS, 1992; Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings and Field, 1994;
Sandfort, 1998).9
Sexual orientation does not very much across socio-demographic groups
(Table 9). The one distinctive pattern for both gays and lesbians is that
they are less likely to have married. About 60% of those with a same gender
partner during the last 12 months have never been married compared to the
16% of female heterosexuals and 21% of male heterosexuals who have never
been married.
Second, gays, but not lesbians, are distinctive in congregating in the
largest central cities. About 8.5% of men in large central cities have had a
same sex partner in the last year as have 9.6% over the last 5 years and
14.7% since age 18. Rates are lowest outside of metropoitan areas.10
Lesbians, like gays, are underrepresented in non-metropolitan areas.
Third, more gays are found in the lower income categories and among
Blacks. Race is unrelated to being lesbian (except weakly for the lifetime
figures) and low income is only marginally related to being lesbian. This
may partly reflect both homosexual activity in prisons and male, homosexual
prostitution. Education does not consistently differentiate among
homosexuals.
Fourth, lesbians, but not gays, are more common among younger age groups.
This could indicate an increase in homosexual activity among women across
cohorts (see also Rogers and Turner, 1991).
Finally, lesbians, but not gays, attend church less than heterosexuals.
About 3.4% of women who rarely attend church have had a female sexual
partner in the last year compared to only 1.3% of those who attend
regularly.
Frequency of Sexual Intercourse
There is some evidence that the frequency of intercourse rose from the
1960s to the 1970s (Trussell and Westoff, 1980) and may have declined in the
1980s. Among teenage males 17-19 living in metropolitan areas the rate fell
from 59.8 times per year in 1979 to 39.0 in 1988 (Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku,
1990, but then among all males ages 17.5-19, it rose from 30 to 49 times per
year between 1988 and 1991 (Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993). Among
unmarried women ages 20-29 the rate showed a more modest decline from 59.8
in 1983 to 56.0 in 1988-93 (Tanfer and Cubbins, 1992 and GSS, 1994).
However, no meaningful change has been occurring among all adults since
1988. On average adults engage in sex about 60 times per year, a little over
once a week Table 10A).
The overall adult average is relatively uninformative however since the
frequency of sexual intercourse varies notably across socio-demographic
groups (Table 10B). The factor making the biggest difference is age. Among
those 18-29 frequency averages about 84 times per year. This then falls off
steadily from 64 times per year for those in their 40s to 9.8 times per year
for those 70 and older. Among the married the decline is even more striking,
dropping from 112 times per annum for those under 30 to 16 times per annum
for those 70 and older. This age related pattern is nearly identical to one
shown in the 1988 National Survey of Families and Households (Hughes and
Gove, 1992) and is consistent with a large number of other studies (Call,
Sprecher, and Schwartz, 1996; Feldman, Goldstein, McKinlay, Hatzichristou,
and Krane, 1992; Hawton, Gath, and Day, 1994; Jasso, 1985; Jasso, 1986; Kahn
and Udry, 1986; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Leigh, Temple,
and Trocki, 1993; Rao and VandenHeuvel, 1995; Tanfer and Cubbins, 1992; Udry,
1980; Udry, Deven, and Coleman, 1982; National Council on the Aging, 1998;
and Udry and Morris, 1978).
This decline with age also occurs within marriages. First, the so-called
honeymoon effect leads to the highest rates of intercourse among the
recently married and those recently married tend to be younger (Greenblat,
1983; James, 1981; James, 1983). Second, biological aging reduces hormonal
output and poor health in general and impotency in particular increases with
age (Feldman, Goldstein, McKinlay, Hatzichristou, Krane, 1992; Leiblum,
1990; Levy, 1992; McKinlay and Feldman, 1992; Morokoff, 1988; Schiavi, 1990;
Schiavi, 1992). As a result, even among couples who rate their marriages as
very happy (GSS, 1994) and among those who say they are still "in love"
(Greeley, 1991) frequency of intercourse declines with age.
Marital status also influences sexual activity (Table 10B). Frequency is
greatest among the currently married (with those remarried slightly
exceeding those in their first marriage probably because of the honeymoon
effect). The never married and divorced have lower rates, probably because
of less continuous and convenient availability of a partner. The widowed
have by far the lowest rates, a function of their age as well as their
marital status. The edge of the married over the non-married becomes even
more apparent when age is taken into consideration. Activity is 25-300%
greater among the married compared to the non-married at various ages. Among
the married intercourse is more frequent among those who have happier
marriages (Smith, 1991a; Waite and Joyner, 1996).
Husbands and wives closely agree on the frequency of intercourse in the
aggregate and in most paired comparisons of partners (Bachrach, Evans,
Ellison, and Stolley, 1992 and Smith, 1992a and 1992b). However, unmarried
men and women differ considerably with men reporting more activity than
women do (Bachrach, et al., 1992). This is true even if the surplus of
widowed females is accounted for.
A multivariate analysis indicates that more sexual intercourse is
separately and independently related to a) being younger, b) having been
married less than 3 years, and c) rating ones marriage as happier. It is
unrelated to gender with controls for these other factors (GSS, 1996).
There are little differences by race, community type, education, or
income and these are mostly related to age and/or marital status.
Sexual Inactivity
Sexual inactivity takes on three distinct forms: 1) the period prior to
first sexual intercourse, 2) periods of extended inactivity after first
intercourse and prior to last intercourse, and 3) the possible period after
last intercourse. The first has been dealt with above in the discussion of
premarital sexual relations. The latter two are discussed here. They can not
be readily separated from one another with the available data.
Sexual inactivity appears to have modestly declined since the early 1980s
(Table 11). Both among women of childbearing age and among all adults the
proportion not engaging in sex over extended periods (3-12 months) has
decreased in the 1990s.
Among adults there is a u-shaped curve with sexual inactivity most
frequent among the youngest and oldest adults. Sexual inactivity among the
elderly is fairly common and is a function of general aging, poor health,
and unavailability of a partner. As we saw in the section on frequency of
sexual intercourse, sexual activity decreases markedly with age even when a
partner remains available. This is a function of both a reduction in the
rate of sexual intercourse among those remaining sexually active and also an
increase in the proportion sexually inactive. Among those over 70 61% are
not currently sexually active. Among this age group sexual abstinence
reaches 33% among the married and among the non-married it hits 93% (Table
11).
Sexual inactivity is much less common among younger adults. Among the
currently married only 1.5-3% of those 18-49 are sexually inactive. Almost
all of this group either have poorer than average health and/or rate their
marriage as unhappy (Smith, 1992; see also Donnelly, 1993 and Edwards and
Booth, 1976). While 7% of married couples of all ages are sexually inactive
over the last year (GSS, 1998), fully 16% of married couples have not
engaged in sexual intercourse in the last four weeks (Donnelly, 1993, see
also Dolcini, et al., 1993). Sexual abstinence is much higher among the
non-married ranging between 16% and 27% for those under 50.
Most other socio-demographic differences are small and merely reflect
underlying differences in age and/or marital status, but sexual inactivity
is lower in households with higher incomes.
While there has been long-term and massive increases in all aspects of
premarital and adolescent sexual activity, there is little evidence that
similar changes in regards to adult or overall sexual behavior have
occurred. Moreover, adult sexual behavior appears to be more restrained and
traditional than it has commonly been portrayed.
The Impact of AIDS on Sexual Behavior
AIDS is a deadly and infectious disease that has mainly been transmitted
through tainted blood products, sexual intercourse, and the sharing of
needles by users of illegal injection drugs. With the safeguarding of the
blood supply current transmission occurs largely through sexual intercourse
or the sharing of needles with a HIV positive individual. The only means of
restricting the spread of the disease is to have people adopt safer sexual
and injecting drug use behaviors.
On the one hand, the long latency period of AIDS greatly complicates
matters since infected people often are not aware that they are HIV positive
and therefore pass the infection on to others. On the other hand, since the
mid-1980s over 90% of the public have known that HIV is spread by sexual
intercourse and knowledge about AIDS in general has grown over time (Rogers,
Singer, and Imperio, 1993 and Singer, Rogers, and Corcoran, 1987).11
Given the existence of widespread, if imperfect, knowledge about the role of
sexual intercourse in spreading AIDS, the question arises whether behavior
has been modified in light of the known risk.
Reported Changes in Sexual Behavior
A number of studies have asked people whether they have changed their
sexual behavior because of AIDS (Table 12) or have taken steps to avoid AIDS
(Table 13). Early surveys in 1986-87 showed that only about 7-11% of adults
reported any change. At that time these levels were commonly seen as
indicating that people were either not informed about the risk of AIDS or
were not reacting responsibly to the risk of AIDS. But the recent studies on
sexual orientation, extra-marital relations, and sexual abstinence (Tables
6, 9, and 11) indicate that the number of people at risk was smaller than
initially feared. And if relatively fewer people were engaged in risky
sexual behavior, it would be understandable that few reported altering their
behavior. This was directly supported by a 1987 Gallup question in which 68%
reported they had not changed their behavior because they were not at risk.
Likewise, the low-level of behavioral change among the married (3-12%)
compared to the non-married (17.5-51%) reflects the lower level of risky
behavior engaged in by married people (Table 12). Similarly, more change is
reported by higher risk groups such as younger adults and Blacks.
Of people reporting a change in sexual behavior because of concern about
AIDS, about 45-50% mention reducing their number of sexual partners -
including having only one partner and getting married, 20-35% cite the use
of condoms, 17-30% indicate they have sex less frequently or abstain
completely, 10-30% say they are restricting their partners to people they
know well, and less than 10% report they have stopped having sex with
bisexual men or injection drug users (asked of women only).
Among all adults a number of sexual changes are reported as having been
made to avoid AIDS. Monogamy and/or limiting the number of sexual partners
is mentioned by about 20%, 10-12% report using condoms, and 5-7% practice
abstinence (Table 13).12
Reports of behavioral change have risen somewhat over time, apparently
indicating that risky sexual behaviors are increasingly being modified
(Table 12) and that more people are taking precautions to avoid AIDS (Table
13) (see also Feinleib and Michael, 1998). However, since these questions
have not apparently been asked after 1993, it is unknown if this trend
continues. Moreover, because of the nature of retrospective questions on
behavioral change both the increased trend and the reports themselves are
less than ideal.13 To
reliably track changes due to AIDS, time series monitoring of the relevant
risk behaviors are needed. We therefore consider what changes have occurred
in sexual behaviors that relate to risk of HIV infection - gay sexual
activity, number of partners, familiarity between partners, and condom use.14
Homosexual Behavior
By the time AIDS was identified, its mode of transmission via sexual
intercourse documented, and tests for HIV infection developed, the disease
was already widespread among the gay population, especially in San Francisco
and New York City. Combined efforts by gay community organizations and
public health officials led to the rapid dissemination of knowledge about
AIDS and the adoption of safer sex practices by gays. The result was "a
dramatic decline in risk practices for HIV transmission...gay men have
reduced the number of sex partners, have fewer anonymous sexual encounters,
have switched from shorter to longer term relationships, and engaged in less
anal intercourse or consistently used condoms (Ehrhardt, Yingling, and
Warne, 1991)." Of late however, there has been little further increase in
safe sex practices among homosexuals and even some back sliding among some
who have tired of the diligence and restrictions required by safer sexual
practices, among some minority groups, and among younger gays who did not
experience the initial onslaught of the epidemic (Catania, Stone, Binson,
and Dolcini, 1995; Ehrhardt, 1992; Ehrhardt, Yingling, and Warne, 1991;
Goldbaum, Yu, and Wood, 1996; Kalichman, 1996; Osmond, et al., 1994; Ostrow,
Beltran, and Joseph, 1994; Carballo-Dieguez and Dolezal, 1996; and Ostrow,
Difranceisco, and Kalichman, n.d.). As a result, same gender sexual
intercourse among men remains most frequent mode for the transmission of
AIDS ("Update," 1995; Levin, 1995; and State and Local, 1997).15
Number of Partners
While the overall number of sexual partners among adults has not
diminished in recent years (Table 14), some change has been occurring among
teenagers and young adults (Table 1C). Among young males the number of
partners was probably rising for most of the century until the early 1990s.
However, the evidence is somewhat mixed for the 1980s. The mean number of
lifetime partners among sexually active males 17-19 in metropolitan areas
fell from 7.3 to 6.0 between 1979 and 1988, while among sexually active
males ages 17.5-19 the mean number of sexual partners in the last 12 months
rose from 2.0 in 1988 to 2.8 in 1991 (Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993).
During the 1990s there appears to have been a decline in number of partners.
The % of male high school students with a lifetime total of 4 or more
partners declined from 31% in 1989 to 16% in 1997 (Table 1C and Divs.
Adolescent and School Health and Health Interview Statistics, 1994a, 1994b,
1995). For young females there is less clear evidence that the long-term
increase in number of partners reversed in 1990s. The YRBS data indicate
year-to-year fluctuation rather than any definite trend. However, the GSS
shows that from 1988-1990 to 1991-1996 the mean number of sexual partners
during the last 12 months for the 18-24 age group significantly decreased
from 2.4 to 1.7 (Smith, 1998).
Even if the reductions in number of partners among teenagers is real,
many adolescents are still at risk of AIDS and other STDs because of having
multiple partners (Anderson and Dahlberg, 1992; Beckman, Harvey, and Tiersky,
1996; Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1994; Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993;
Luster and Small, 1994; Smith, 1991; Trocki, 1992; and Tubman, Windle, and
Windle, 1996).
Whether the possible decline in number of partners accumulated by
teenagers and young adults will translate into a lower number of lifetime
sexual partners is unknown. If it does, it will reverse an expansion that
began several generations ago. We can see evidence of that rise in the
figures on number of sexual partners since age 18 (Table 14). The increase
in the number of sexual partners from ages 18-29 to 40-59 mostly represents
the accumulation of partners over ones lifetime. The sharp drop in
cumulative partners for those 60 and older occurs because this age group
represents a generation that came to age before the peak in premarital
sexual activity described above. That is, this generation had fewer
premarital partners, married relatively early, and, as a result, has
accumulated a lower number of sexual partners than subsequent generations.
Among adults, having multiple sexual partners during the last year and
during the last five years is most strongly associated with being young,
unmarried, and male.16 It
is also higher among Blacks, residents of large central cities, those with
low incomes and less education, and infrequent church attenders. The adult
lifetime figures show a similar pattern except that there is no relationship
between income or race and number of sexual partners and the less educated
have fewer partners than the better educated. The reversal of the education
relations results from less educated, earlier cohorts having fewer partners
than more recent and better educated cohorts have had.
Multiple partners are thus found in two main social niches, among young,
unmarried adults and adolescents who have not yet "settled down" and among
disadvantaged segments of society in general and among inner-city minorities
in particular who also tend to lead less stable and conventionally-ordered
lives (Ford and Norris, 1995 and Wagstaff, et al., 1995).
Relationship to Sexual Partners
Risk increases not only with one's number of sexual partners, but also
with the casualness and transitoriness of relationships. When it comes to
STDs one "sleeps not only with a partner, but with all of that partner's
partners." Closer relationships are associated with (but do not guarantee)
mutual monogamy, while casual relationships come without any likelihood of
exclusivity.
The trends in relationships are mixed and depend on the measure and data
set being examined. First, since 1988, the GSS item on relationships to sex
partners during the last year shows little change in relationships between
sexual partners either among all adults or among unmarried people under 40
(Table 15A). Most people are engaged in close and presumably mutually
monogamous relationships as spouses or cohabiting partners, but each year
3-4% of sexual partners are pick-ups, one-night stands, prostitutes (see
below), or other casual couplings. In addition, another 4-5% of partners are
better known (neighbors, co-workers, long-term acquaintances), but are not
considered close friends or regular partners. Second, there was a small, but
statistically significant, drop in whether one was in a continuing
relationship with ones most recent sexual partner from 92% in 1996 to 90% in
1998 (Table 15A). Finally, across birth cohorts or women relationship with
their first sexual partner have become more casual over time (Table 15A). Of
those born in 1951-55, 32% were engaged or married to their first sexual
partner, 51% were going steady, 16% were less closely involved, and 1% were
in other relationship. For those born in 1976-1980, 4% were engaged or
married, 73% were going steady, and 23% were less connected.
More casual relationships (pick-ups, prostitutes, and acquaintances) are
most prevalent among the young, unmarried, and males. They are also more
common among Blacks, residents of large central cities, and those with lower
incomes. Similarly, having ones last sexual encounter with someone that one
did not have an "on-going relationship" with is more common among men,
Blacks, the young, never married, city residents, the less educated, and
infrequent church attenders (Table 15). Household income is not related to
non-relational sexual encounters. "One-night stands" are equally common for
Black and White males, but less frequent for Black females than for White
females (Tanfer, 1994). In general, we see that those socio-demographic
groups with a high number of partners also tend to have less familiar
partners.
Prostitution
At a time when prostitution could be a major avenue for the spread of
AIDS into uninfected areas and groups, we know little about its magnitude or
how the situation has been changing. As the National Academy of Sciences'
Committee on AIDS Research observed, "(I)nformation about women who work as
prostitutes is scant, and knowledge of their clients is sketchier still
(Miller, Turner, and Moses, 1990; see also Turner, Miller, and Moses,
1989)."
Because prostitution is an illegal (except in rural Nevada) and socially
stigmatized occupation, the amount of reliable information on it is limited.
The only time series data come from the arrest records compiled by the FBI
(Table 16). They show that the arrest rate climbed from around 30 per
100,000 total population in the early 1970s to a high of 59 in 1982 and
1983. The rate then fell back to the lower 40s by 1988 and has remained at
that level since then. Whether this represents shifts in the prevalence of
prostitution or variations in law enforcement efforts is unknown.
While the illegality of prostitution is probably the main barrier to
accurate counts, estimates are also complicated by the prevalence of many
part timers, the continual occupational turnover, and the apparent
geographic mobility of prostitutes. There are some more recent and limited
studies that have tried to overcome these serious problems and either to
estimate the number of prostitutes or of certain types of prostitutes in
given localities (Potterat, Woodhouse, Muth, and Muth, 1990; Kanouse, Berry,
Duan, Lever, and Richards, 1991; and Leyland, Bernard, McKeganey, 1992) or
to measure the proportion of women who have engaged in sex for pay (McQuillan
and Ezzati-Rice, Siller, Visscher, and Hurley, 1994, Wyatt, Peters, and
Guthrie, 1988; and Brunswick, et al., 1993). In addition, there are recent
estimates of what proportion of men have engaged in paid sex.
Although all three of the community, aggregate-estimate studies were
carefully done and show a high degree of consistency, all estimates of the
number of prostitutes are fraught with uncertainties since they deal with
what one study aptly calls a "covert" population. In addition, the Los
Angeles and Glasgow estimates are by definition incomplete because they
cover only street prostitutes.
|
|
|
# per
100,000
residents |
| Glasgow, Scotland |
1990 |
Street Prostitutes |
24 |
| Los Angeles Co. |
1990 |
Street Prostitutes |
18-26 |
| Colorado Springs |
1985-88 |
All Prostitutes
Full-time Equivalents |
26
19 |
Surveys of general populations of women are equally limited. The studies
cover sub-groups in local areas, have very small to medium sample sizes
(LA=120, Harlem Panel=187, Dallas=745), use different measures, and show
different levels of involvement in paid sex.
| Los Angeles |
ca. 1985 |
Whites
18-36 |
Engaged in prostitution |
8% |
Central Harlem
Panel |
1989-90 |
Blacks
32-38 |
Received money or drugs for sex |
10.1% |
| Dallas |
1989 |
All
18-54 |
Received money or drugs for sex since 1978 |
2.2% |
In addition, two recent samples provide the first national estimates of
the proportion of women involved in paid sex. A 1991 survey of 1,669 women
ages 20-37 found that 2.0.% had ever had "oral, anal, or vaginal sex in
exchange for money or drugs" (Tanfer, 1994) and the 1991-98 GSS of 5,700
women 18+ indicated that 1.6% of women had "had sex with a person you paid
or who paid you for sex" since age 18 (GSS, 1998).
Given the differences in ages and measurements, the Dallas survey and the
two national samples are in close agreement. They suggest a much higher rate
of female participation than the aggregate counts (on the order of 15-20
times higher), but the two sets of estimates are not directly comparable.
(Without information on duration, level of involvement, and related factors
the survey estimates can not be converted into point estimates of women
engaged in prostitution nor can they separate out occasional participants
from full-time professionals.)
In brief, the available studies are extremely limited in number and most
are unrepresentative of the United States as a whole (one study of course is
not even from the United States). In particular, extrapolations from these
few local studies to national estimates could well be wrong, especially if
prostitution is heavily concentrated in urban centers. This possibility is
supported by the fact that on the 1988-1998 GSSs 0.3% of men living in rural
areas reported having sex with a prostitute during the last year, while 2.0%
of those living in the 12 largest central cities reported having sex with a
prostitute during the last 12 months (Table 17). In addition, the lifetime
figures show a similar pattern.
Reports by men on paying for sex indicate that 0.6% of men had a
prostitute for a sex partner during the last year (GSS, 1998), 5.9% within
the last five years (Wells and Sell, 1990), and 16.3% at some point during
the past (GSS, 1998; see also Rubin, 1990; McQuillan, Ezzati-Rice, Siller,
Visscher, and Hurley, 1984).17
Unfortunately, these figures are not consistent. The five-year figures are
more than twice what would be expected based on the annual figures.
In addition, comparing the annual rates to estimates of FTE prostitutes
(assuming that the above urban rates can be applied nationally) comes to
only 9.9 clients per prostitute.18
Thus, if the estimates of number of prostitutes are correct, this would
suggest that men are underreporting their number of paid sex partners
(either by not reporting partners who were prostitutes or reporting them as
falling in another category such as casual dates or acquaintances).
Alternatively, the number of FTE prostitutes may be overestimated.
Based on the analysis of reported contact with prostitutes during the
last year and during one's lifetime (Table 17), sexual activity with
prostitutes does not consistently vary by education or age. As one would
expect, lifetime contact generally increases with age, but current use is
unrelated to age. Lifetime contact is unrelated to education and current use
has an irregular relationship. Contact is higher among those living in
metropolitan areas, Blacks, those with lower incomes, veterans (probably
when in military service), those who attend church less frequently, and
those having gone through a divorce (it appears to be especially high among
separated men). Among married men paying for sex during the last 12 months
is strongly related to low marital happiness.
Use of Condoms
Undoubtedly because of the advent of AIDS and the dissemination of safer
sex messages, condom use doubled from the late 1970s/early 1980s to the late
1980s (Table 18) (see also Moran et al., 1990 and Douglas, et al., 1997).
From the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s just over a fifth of women used a condom
at the time of their first intercourse. By the mid-1980s this had almost
doubled to 42%. Similarly, in 1979 21% of teenage males reported using a
condom at the time of their most recent intercourse and in 1988 the level
increased to 57.5%.19
Condom use has continued to increase since then (Beckman, Harvey, and
Tiersky, 1996; Catania, Binson, Dolcini, Stall, Choi, Pollack, Hudes,
Canchola, Phillips, Moskowitz, and Coates, 1995; Catania, Coates, Peterson,
Dolcini, Kegles, Siegel, Golden, and Fullilove, 1993; Catania, Stone,
Binson, and Dolcini, 1995; Ford and Norris, 1995; Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck,
1994; Moore, et al., 1992; Division of Epidemiology and Prevention Research,
et al., 1992; Pleck, Sonenstein, and Ku, 1993; Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck,
1993; Strunin and Hingson, 1992; Piccinino and Mosher, 1998; and Peipert,
Domagalski, Boardman, Daamen, McCormack, and Zinner, 1997). For example, the
YRBS shows that condom use steadily increased for both males and females in
the 1990s and condom use at last intercourse among never married males 15-19
grew by 10 percentage points from 1988 to 1995 (Table 18).
However, while condom use has grown appreciably, it is still far below
the general and consistent use called for by safer sex practices (Kost and
Forrest, 1992; Pleck, Sonenstein, and Ku, 1991; Potter and Anderson, 1993;
Leigh, Morrison, Trocki, and Temple, 1994; Peterson, Catania, Dolcini, and
Faigeles, 1993; Sabogal, Faigeles, and Catania, 1993; Grinstead, Faigeles,
Binson, and Eversley, 1993; Catania, Coates, Golden, Dolcini, Peterson,
Kegeles, Siegel, and Fullilove, 1994; Nguyet, Maheux, Beland, and Pica,
1994; Binson, Dolcini, Pollack, and Catania, 1993 and Douglas, et al.,
1997). Among sexually experienced college students in 1995 only 38% reported
always using a condom (Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997). Likewise, a 1991
national survey of men 20-39 found that only 26.5% of sexually active men
had used a condom during the last four weeks and even among unmarried men
with no regular sexual partner only 46% had used a condom during the prior
month (Tanfer, Grady, Klepinger, and Billy, 1993, see also, Grady,
Klepinger, Billy, and Tanfer, 1993 and Catania, et al., 1992). Similarly,
among unmarried women 15-44 in 1990 with 2+ partners in the last 3 months
only 16% always used condoms and 39% never did (Mosher and Pratt, 1993).
Also, among both men and women 18-24 in 1996 whose most recent sexual
partner was not someone they were in an ongoing relationship with only 56%
had used a condom (Smith, 1998).
Condom use is higher among socio-demographic groups that have multiple,
sexual partners and less committed and on-going relationships with sexual
partners. Condoms are used more frequently by Blacks, the young and never
married, residents of large cities, those with lower incomes, and those who
attend church less regularly (Table 19). Use generally increases with
education, but drops off among those with graduate degrees.
Men tend to report greater condom use than do women (especially among
teens), but both men and women agree on the trends and general patterns
reported here (Divs. of Reproductive Health and Adolescent and School
Health, 1992; Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993; Marin, Gomez, and Hearst,
1993; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Leigh, Morrison, Trocki,
and Temple, 1994; Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997; and Santelli, et al.,
1997). Among adults 21% of men and 18% of women reported using a condom the
most recent time they had sex.
Condom use declines among youths and young adults as they age (Table 19;
Sonenstein and Pleck, 1997 and Reitman, et al., 1996). This is believed to
be largely because sexual relationships become more established and
enduring. However, this connection has not been well-established in the
studies to date.
Condom use also varies by status of sexual partner. A 1991 study of
Hispanic adults and of non-Hispanic White adults living near Hispanics in
the Northeast and Southwest indicated that even among those with two or more
sexual partners only about 50% always used a condom with their secondary
sexual partner(s) (Marin, Gomez, and Hearst, 1993). In addition, condom use
is often notably lower among primary partners (i.e. spouse, cohabiting
partner, or regular sexual partner) than among secondary partners (Leigh,
Temple, and Trocki, 1993; Marin, Gomez, and Hearst, 1993; Ehrhardt,
Yingling, and Warne, 1991; Dolcini, et al., 1993; Lansky, Thomas, and Earp,
1998; Albert, Warner, and Hatcher, 1998; Rietmeijer, et al., 1998; and
Miller, Turner, and Moses, 1990. But in contrast see Soskolne, Aral, Magder,
Reed, and Bowen, 1987). This increases the chance of spreading AIDS and STDs
to one's primary sexual partner.
Summary
Since early in this century the bonds between marriage and sexual
activity have been unravelling. More men and women have engaged in
premarital sexual intercourse, they have become sexually active at earlier
ages, and they have accumulated more sexual partners. While premarital and
adolescent sexual activity has grown for both men and women, the largest
change has been in the sexual behavior of women. The expansion of sexual
behavior has in turn led to a rise in cohabitation and a surge in
non-married births, and contributed to the growth of various public health
and social welfare problems (Besharov and Gardiner, 1993).
Rather than being an isolated phenomenon these changes in sexual
behavior, living together, and child bearing have been part of broader
social changes towards an individualistic rather than a family-center
society (Glenn, 1987; Popenoe, 1993; and Smith, 1997) and towards modern
rather than traditional roles for women (Firebaugh, 1990 and Simon and
Landis, 1989). Moreover, there are suggestive signs that parallel shifts
have occurred in other post-industrial societies. As such, the changes in
American premarital and adolescent sexual behavior may result from the
development of advanced economies, welfare states, and liberal governments
in general rather than from any special situation peculiar to America.20
Of late however this long-term trend has moderated and in a few limited,
but key, aspects reversed. First, the increase in premarital and adolescent
sexual activity has ended and to some degree has waned. So far this
development does not seem to have received much recognition in the mass
media or among the public (Stodghill, 1998; Smith, 1998). Second, the
portion of nonmarital births has levelled-off (albeit at near record
levels). Third, condom use more than doubled during the last 20 years and
apparently continues to grow. While there have not been decreases in all
forms of risky sexual behavior in all segments of the population, these
departures from the long-term trend are notable and may reflect an
underlying, nascent shift in social values.
While marriage is no longer the portal into sexual activity for many
Americans, it remains an important regulator of sexual behavior and thus a
barrier to AIDS and other STDs. Since most married people most of the time
engage in sex only with their marriage partner, marriage limits one's total
number of sexual partners and reduces the spread of HIV. However, marriage
may be less of a barrier than it used to be. The decline in reported rates
of ever having had extra-marital relations among those 50 and over does
suggest that monogamy may have declined across recent generations. But, on
the other hand, there has been no decrease in disapproval of extra-marital
relations (Smith, 1990; 1994 and Davis and Smith, 1998), extra-marital
relations have not increased since 1988, and "affairs" are much less common
than presentations in either pop and pseudo-scientific studies or the
entertainment media suggest.
Of course, marriages themselves are also not as enduring as they used to
be. The two-and-a-half fold growth of the divorce rate from the 1960s to the
early 1980s and its continuation at near historically high levels to the
present means that over half of all recent marriages will end in divorce.
For most divorced people this means accumulating new sexual partners and
especially for those under 50 this often means having multiple sexual
partners (Stack, 1992).
Besides marital status sexual behavior is strongly influenced by age. In
general, sexual activity diminishes with age with fewer people having
multiple partners, less extra-marital sex, frequency of intercourse
declining, and sexual abstinence increasing. Cohabitation rates also fall
and non-marital births decline with age (ceasing of course for women after
menopause).
There are also large differences between Whites and Blacks in their
sexual behaviors (Bowser, 1992; Brewster, 1994; Sterk-Elifson, 1992;
Kilmarx, et al., 1997; Peterson, Catania, Dolcini, and Faigeles, 1993;
Brunswick, et al., 1993; Reitman, et al., 1996; and Quadagno, et al., 1998;
but see Wyatt, 1989). Blacks become sexually active at an earlier age,
accumulate more sexual partners over their lifetime, have more casual
partners, are less likely to marry, have less stable and shorter-term
marriages, and have many more children born outside of marriage. Black
sexual and child-bearing behavior puts African-Americans at greater risk of
contracting AIDS and other STDs (and Blacks do have higher HIV and STD
infection rates) and contributes to such problems as single-parent families
and childhood poverty.
Sexual behavior also varies by community type. Residents of large central
cities have more sexual partners, more casual partners (including
prostitutes), and more extra-marital relations than those living in rural
areas. In addition, probably due to selective migration, gays concentrate in
large cities. Overall since risk behaviors (both sexual and injection drug
use) are more common in large cities and the HIV virus is more prevalent in
these localities, the chances of becoming infected is especially high in
large metropolitan areas (Catania, et al., 1992).
Finally, religion exercises a traditional restraint on sexual behavior
(Thornton and Camburn, 1989; Seidman, Mosher, and Aral, 1992; Stack and
Gundlach, 1992; Tanfer and Schoorl, 1992; and Goldscheider and Mosher, 1991;
Hogan, Sun, and Cornwell, 1998; and Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey, and
Rindfuss, 1998). Those who attend church regularly are less likely to a)
become sexually active, b) have multiple and casual partners, and c) among
the married, have sexual partners other than their spouse. Church
attendance, like rural residence, imposes traditional restraint on sexual
behavior.
Given the deadly nature of AIDS, the near universal knowledge of the
disease, and the widespread understanding that it is transmitted through
sexual intercourse, its impact on sexual behavior has been limited. The
largest changes occured among gays in large metropolitan centers who adopted
considerably safer sexual practices. But the on-going spread of AIDS from
male-with-male sexual contact indicates the continuing shortcomings in safer
sex practices among gays.
Among the heterosexual population the largest change has been the
increased use of condoms. However, condom use is incomplete and haphazard
with condoms being used much less consistently than called for by safer sex
standards. In addition, the small decreases in the number of partners among
adolescents and youths may also result from the AIDS epidemic. But most
people still have numerous premarital sexual partners and many sexual
partners represent casual and short-term relationships. Moreover, it is
unclear whether the somewhat moderated number of teens and young adults
involved with multiple partners will lead to a reduction in the lifetime
number of partners. The continuingly high level with multiple partners and
the sporadic, if improved, use of condoms means that millions continue to
expose themselves each year to the risk of AIDS and other STDs (Smith,
1991b; Anderson and Dahlberg, 1992; and Dolcini et al., 1993). In addition,
the level of non-married births remains at near-record levels and the % of
all births that are unplanned, also remains high.
In sum, contemporary patterns of sexual behavior are a source of
considerable public policy concern relating to AIDS and STDs, child-bearing
and child- raising, and many other social problems.
Table 1
Premarital Intercourse and Adolescent Sexual Activity
|
|
| A. Sexual Experience |
| |
| % ever having pre-marital, heterosexual
partner among ever-married |
|
Birth
Cohorts |
Men |
Women |
|
| Before 1910 |
60.8 |
12.3 |
| 1910-1919 |
73.9 |
28.6 |
| 1920-1929 |
79.7 |
31.4 |
| 1930-1939 |
87.2 |
40.9 |
| 1940-1949 |
89.5 |
62.9 |
| |
| Source: Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989 and Klassen,
Williams, Levitt, Rudkin-Miniot, Miller, and Gunjal, 1989 |
| |
| % ever virgins at marriage: Ever
married |
|
Birth
Cohorts |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1933-42 |
21.9 |
54.4 |
| 1943-52 |
15.4 |
28.9 |
| 1953-62 |
13.5 |
20.0 |
| 1963-74 |
16.3 |
20.1 |
| |
| Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 |
| |
| % having sex with spouse before
marriage: Ever married |
|
Birth
Cohorts |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1933-42 |
32.6 |
30.7 |
| 1943-53 |
48.6 |
51.1 |
| 1953-62 |
56.3 |
55.9 |
| 1963-74 |
69.8 |
57.7 |
| |
| Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 |
| |
| % ever having premarital sex: Women,
15-19 |
|
|
All |
Whites |
Blacks |
|
| 1970 |
28.6 |
26.7 |
46.0 |
| 1975 |
36.4 |
35.4 |
50.8 |
| 1980 |
42.0 |
41.4 |
58.1 |
| 1985 |
44.1 |
43.1 |
55.4 |
| 1988 |
51.5 |
50.6 |
58.8 |
| |
| Source: Divs. of Vital Statistics & STD/HIV
Prevention, 1991 |
| |
| % ever having premarital sex: Women
15-19 in metropolitan areas |
|
| 1971 |
30.3 |
26.4 |
53.7 |
| 1976 |
43.4 |
38.3 |
66.3 |
| 1979 |
49.8 |
46.6 |
66.2 |
| 1982 |
44.9 |
43.3 |
53.6 |
| |
| Source: Hofferth, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987
(NSYW+NSFG82) |
| |
| % ever having premarital sex: Women
15-19 |
|
| 1971 |
31.7 |
39.0 |
51.2 |
| 1976 |
39.0 |
36.2 |
56.1 |
| 1979 |
43.4 |
40.8 |
61.6 |
| 1982 |
45.2 |
43.1 |
56.5 |
| |
| Source: Hoffert, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987 (NSFG82) |
| |
| % ever having premarital sex: Males
17-19 in Metropolitan Areas |
|
| 1979 |
65.7 |
64.5 |
71.1 |
| 1988 |
75.5 |
73.0 |
87.7 |
| |
| Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1989 |
| |
| % ever having sex with female:
Never-married males, age 17.5-19 |
|
| 1988 |
75.0 |
| 1991 |
78.6 |
| |
| Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 |
| |
| % ever having sex: High school students |
|
|
All |
Whites |
Blacks |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1989 |
59 |
---- |
---- |
---- |
---- |
| 1990 |
54.2 |
51.6 |
72.3 |
60.8 |
48.0 |
| 1991 |
54.1 |
50.0 |
81.4 |
57.4 |
50.8 |
| 1993 |
53.0 |
48.4 |
79.7 |
55.6 |
50.2 |
| 1995 |
53.1 |
48.9 |
73.4 |
54.0 |
52.1 |
| 1997 |
48.4 |
43.6 |
72.7 |
48.8 |
47.7 |
| |
| Source: Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of
Epidemiology and Prevention; Adolescent and School Hlth.; and
Reproductive Hlth., 1992; "Youth Risk Behavior Survey," 1995; and
Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995; Division of Adolescent
and School Health, et al., 1998; Kann, et al., 1998; and Warren, et
al., 1998. |
| |
| % sexually active: Women, 15-19 |
|
| 1985 |
44.7 |
| 1990 |
51.3 |
| 1995 |
51.1 |
| |
| Source: Hogan, Sun, and Cornwell, 1998 |
| |
| % ever had sex: Females, 15-19 |
|
| 1970 |
29 |
| 1975 |
36 |
| 1982 |
47 |
| 1988 |
53 |
| 1990 |
55 |
| 1995 |
50 |
| |
| Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 |
| |
| % ever had sex with female: Males,
15-19 |
|
| 1988 |
60.4 |
| 1995 |
55.2 |
| |
| Source: Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, and Pleck,
1998 |
| |
| % sexually active during last 3 months:
High school students |
|
|
All |
Males |
Females |
|
| 1990 |
39.4 |
42.5 |
36.4 |
| 1991 |
37.4 |
36.8 |
38.2 |
| 1993 |
37.5 |
37.5 |
37.5 |
| 1995 |
37.9 |
35.5 |
40.4 |
| 1997 |
34.8 |
33.4 |
36.5 |
| |
| Source: Div. of Adolescent and School Health, et
al., 1998; and Warren, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % with sex partners before age 18,
Adults in 1992 |
|
Birth
Cohorts |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1933-42 |
41.5 |
18.5 |
| 1943-52 |
47.6 |
20.3 |
| 1953-62 |
53.3 |
41.2 |
| 1963-74 |
60.3 |
52.8 |
| |
| Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 |
| |
| % ever having sex: High school students |
|
| 1994 |
41-42 |
| |
| Source: "Teens Talk," 1994 |
| |
| % ever had sexual intercourse: College
Students, 18-24 |
|
| 1995 |
79.5 |
| |
| Source: Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % ever had sexual intercourse with
Female, Males, 15-19 |
|
| 1995 |
68.1-63.9 |
| |
| Note: First number is from self-completion using
paper. Second number is from audio-computer assisted,
self-completion. |
| Source: Turner, et al., 1998 |
| |
| % ever had sexual intercourse: Ages
13-18 |
|
|
All |
Males |
Females |
|
| 1997 |
31 |
36 |
26 |
| |
| Source: National Survey of Teens, 1998 |
| |
| B. Sexual Experience by Age |
| |
| % reporting premarital, heterosexual
intercourse by ages 16 and 18 |
|
| Birth |
Men |
Women |
| Cohorts |
16 |
18 |
16 |
18 |
|
| Pre-1900 |
24.0 |
36.8 |
2.7 |
3.3 |
| 1900-1909 |
23.9 |
40.2 |
4.8 |
6.5 |
| 1910-1919 |
28.7 |
51.3 |
6.3 |
9.6 |
| 1920-1929 |
45.0 |
66.1 |
4.9 |
12.4 |
| 1930-1939 |
47.4 |
69.1 |
10.0 |
21.0 |
| 1940-1949 |
50.2 |
76.6 |
19.1 |
37.2 |
| |
| Source: Klassen, et al., 1989 |
| |
| % reporting premarital sexual
intercourse by ages 16/18, women in 1982 |
|
| Birth Cohorts |
16 |
18 |
|
| 1938-40 |
7.4 |
23.0 |
| 1941-43 |
7.4 |
22.7 |
| 1944-46 |
7.1 |
22.6 |
| 1947-49 |
10.1 |
29.3 |
| 1950-52 |
6.6 |
26.9 |
| 1953-55 |
14.5 |
43.1 |
| 1956-58 |
17.9 |
45.5 |
| 1959-61 |
18.9 |
46.4 |
| 1962-64 |
23.1 |
54.0 |
| |
| Source: Hofferth, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987 |
| |
| % sexually experienced at ages 15 and
17, Women |
|
|
15 |
17 |
|
| 1970 |
4.6 |
32.3 |
| 1975 |
9.8 |
36.6 |
| 1980 |
16.7 |
35.5 |
| 1985 |
20.0 |
41.7 |
| 1988 |
25.6 |
51.0 |
| |
| Source: Divs. of Vital Statistics & STD/HIV
Prevention, 1991 |
| |
| Median Age at First Intercourse: High
School Students |
|
|
All |
Males |
Females |
|
| 1990 |
16.4 |
16.0 |
16.8 |
| 1991 |
16.5 |
16.3 |
16.6 |
| 1993 |
16.4 |
16.3 |
16.6 |
| 1995 |
16.5 |
16.4 |
16.5 |
| |
| Source: Warren, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % sexually experienced by grade level:
High School Students |
|
|
9th |
10th |
11th |
12th |
|
| 1997 |
38.0 |
42.5 |
49.7 |
60.9 |
| |
| Source: Kann, et al., 1998 |
| |
| % sexually experienced at ages 15 and
17, teenagers in 1986 |
|
|
15 |
17 |
|
| Males |
35 |
61 |
| Females |
22 |
53 |
| |
| Source: Taylor, Kagay, and Leichenko, 1986 |
| |
| % sexual experienced by ages 15-19,
ages 19-27 in 1984 |
|
|
Males |
Females |
|
| 15 |
17.5 |
6.6 |
| 16 |
29.5 |
14.5 |
| 17 |
49.0 |
30.2 |
| 18 |
65.4 |
47.2 |
| 19 |
78.7 |
65.7 |
| |
| Source: Marsiglio and Mott, 1986 |
| |
| % having had sexual intercourse by ages
12-18, Male Teens in 1988 |
|
| 12 |
5.4 |
| 13 |
11.0 |
| 14 |
21.1 |
| 15 |
37.8 |
| 16 |
57.5 |
| 17 |
67.5 |
| 18 |
79.0 |
| |
| Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1990 |
| |
| % having had sexual intercourse by ages
12-17: Teens 12-17 in 1990 |
|
|
Men |
Women |
|
| 12 |
5 |
0 |
| 13 |
6 |
3 |
| 14 |
24 |
3 |
| 15 |
29 |
37 |
| 16 |
48 |
48 |
| 17 |
67 |
56 |
| |
| Source: Leigh, Morrison, Trocki, and Temple, 1994 |
| |
| % ever had sexual intercourse by
grades: High School Students, 1993 |
|
|
Men |
Women |
|
| 9th |
43.5 |
31.6 |
| 10th |
47.4 |
44.9 |
| 11th |
59.5 |
55.1 |
| 12th |
70.2 |
66.3 |
|
| All |
55.6 |
50.2 |
| |
| Source: "Youth Risk Behavior Survey," 1995 |
| |
| % ever had sexual intercourse, Ages
14-21 |
|
|
14-17 |
14-19 |
14-21 |
18-21 |
|
| 1992 |
43.4 |
45.4 |
63.0 |
81.7 |
| |
| Source: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and
Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b |
| |
| % ever had sex, Females, 15-44: 1995 |
|
| All |
89.3 |
| 15 |
22.1 |
| 16 |
38.0 |
| 17 |
51.1 |
| 18 |
65.4 |
| 19 |
75.5 |
| 20-24 |
88.6 |
| 25-29 |
95.9 |
| 30-44 |
98.2 |
| |
| Source: Abma, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % ever had sex, Females, 15-19: 1995 |
|
| All |
52 |
| 15 |
25 |
| 16 |
39 |
| 17 |
42 |
| 18 |
66 |
| 19 |
77 |
| |
| Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 |
| |
| Mean age at first sexual intercourse,
Women |
|
|
All |
Whites |
Blacks |
|
| 1965-69 |
19.0 |
19.2 |
17.7 |
| 1970-74 |
18.6 |
18.8 |
17.0 |
| 1975-79 |
18.2 |
18.3 |
16.9 |
| |
| Source: Bachrach and Horn, 1987 |
| |
| Mean age at first sexual intercourse:
Males 17.5-19 |
|
| 1988 |
|
15.4 |
| 1991 |
|
15.2 |
| |
| Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 |
| |
| Mean Age at First Intercourse: Women
15-44 in 1995 |
|
| All |
|
17.8 |
|
| 20-24 |
|
16.6 |
| 25-29 |
|
17.5 |
| 30-34 |
|
17.8 |
| 35-39 |
|
18.0 |
| 40-44 |
|
18.6 |
| |
Note: Based on women who ever had intercourse after
menarche.
Source: Abma, et al., 1997 |
| |
| C. Number of Sexual Partners |
| |
| % of ever-married with two or more
heterosexual partners before first marriage |
|
| Birth Cohorts |
Men |
Women |
|
| Pre-1910 |
49.2 |
3.3 |
| 1910-1919 |
61.2 |
8.5 |
| 1920-1929 |
70.1 |
11.8 |
| 1930-1939 |
72.9 |
16.5 |
| 1940-1949 |
72.6 |
25.8 |
| |
| Source: Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989 and Klassen,
Williams, Levitt, Rudkin-Miniot, Miller, and Gunjal, 1989 |
| |
| Lifetime Total Number of Sexual
Partners among Sexually Active Women, 15-19 in Metropolitan Areas |
|
|
1 |
2-3 |
4-5 |
6+ |
|
| 1971 |
62% |
25 |
7 |
7 |
| 1976 |
53% |
28 |
9 |
11 |
| 1979 |
49% |
35 |
8 |
8 |
| 1988 |
39% |
31 |
17 |
14 |
| |
| Source: Kost and Forrest, 1992 |
| |
| Mean Number of Total Lifetime Sexual
Partners among Sexually Active Men, 17-19 in Metropolitan Areas |
|
| 1979 |
7.3 |
| 1988 |
6.0 |
|
| Prob. |
sig. |
| |
| Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1991 |
| |
| Number of Sexual Partners in Last 12
Months among Sexually Experienced: Men, 17.5-19 |
|
|
Mean |
% 5+ Partners |
|
| 1988 |
2.0 |
6.3 |
| 1991 |
2.8 |
10.7 |
|
| Prob. |
<.05 |
<.01 |
| |
| Source: Ku, Sonenstein, Pleck, 1993 |
| |
| % with 2+ and 4+ Sexual Partners in
Lifetime, High School Students |
|
|
|
2+ |
|
|
4+ |
|
All |
Men |
Women |
All |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1989 |
40.1 |
46.7 |
33.4 |
23.6 |
31.1 |
16.0 |
| 1990 |
36.3 |
43.6 |
29.4 |
19.0 |
26.7 |
11.8 |
| 1991 |
35 |
---- |
---- |
18.7 |
23.4 |
13.8 |
| 1993 |
---- |
---- |
---- |
18.8 |
22.3 |
15.0 |
| 1995 |
---- |
---- |
---- |
17.8 |
20.9 |
14.4 |
| 1997 |
---- |
---- |
---- |
16.0 |
17.6 |
14.1 |
| |
| Source: Anderson, Kann, Holtzman, Arday, Truman, and
Kolbe, 1990; Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of Epidemiology and
Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; and Reproductive Health,
1992; Holtzman, Lowry, Kann, Collins, and Kolbe, 1994; "Youth Risk
Behavior Survey," 1995; Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995;
Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1998; Warren, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % with 4+ sex partners, Ages 14-21 |
|
|
1992 |
|
| 14-17 |
13.3 |
| 14-19 |
15.9 |
| 14-21 |
63.0 |
| 18-21 |
41.3 |
| |
| Sources: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and
Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b |
| |
| % with 4+ sex partners, High School
Students |
|
|
1993 |
|
| 9th |
10.9 |
| 10th |
15.9 |
| 11th |
19.9 |
| 12th |
27.0 |
|
| All |
18.8 |
| |
| Sources: Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995 |
| |
| Mean Number of Lifetime Sexual
Partners, High School Students |
|
|
1994 |
|
| All |
1.1 |
| Sexual Experienced |
2.7 |
| |
| Source: "Teens Talk," 1994 |
| |
| % with 6+ lifetime sex partners:
College students, 19-24 |
|
|
1995 |
|
|
25.7 |
| |
| Source: Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % 5+ Female sexual partners, Males,
15-19 |
|
| 1995 |
15.8-18.8 |
| |
| Note: First number is from self-completion using
paper. Second number is from audio-computer assisted,
self-completion. |
| Source: Turner, et al., 1998 |
| |
| % with 4+ lifetime sexual partners:
13-18 |
|
|
1997 |
|
| All |
7 |
| Males |
11 |
| Female |
3 |
| |
| Source: National Survey of Teens, 1997 |
| |
| % with various number of sexual
partners during last 12 months, Females in Midwestern state in
grades 7-12, 1992-96 |
|
| 0 |
72.5% |
| 1 |
14.8 |
| 2 |
5.2 |
| 3 |
2.9 |
| 4+ |
4.7 |
| |
| Source: Luster and Small, 1997 |
Table 2
Trends in Cohabitation
|
|
| % for whom first union was
cohabitation: Ever in union |
|
| Birth Cohorts |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1933-42 |
16.4 |
6.9 |
| 1943-52 |
30.3 |
21.8 |
| 1953-62 |
53.1 |
42.4 |
| 1963-74 |
65.7 |
64.0 |
| |
| Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 |
| |
| Cohabitators as % of ... |
|
|
All Couples |
All Households |
All Adults |
|
| 1960 |
1.1 |
0.8 |
| 1970 |
1.1 |
0.8 |
| 1975 |
1.8 |
1.2 |
| 1977 |
2.0 |
1.3 |
| 1978 |
2.3 |
1.5 |
| 1980 |
3.1 |
2.0 |
| 1981 |
3.5 |
2.2 |
| 1982 |
3.6 |
2.2 |
| 1983 |
3.6 |
2.3 |
| 1984 |
3.8 |
2.3 |
| 1985 |
3.7 |
2.3 |
| 1986 |
4.1 |
2.5 |
3.5 |
| 1987 |
4.3 |
2.6 |
4.0 |
| 1988 |
4.7 |
2.8 |
| 1989 |
5.0 |
3.0 |
| 1990 |
5.1 |
3.1 |
| 1991 |
5.4 |
3.2 |
| 1992 |
5.8 |
3.5 |
| 1993 |
6.1 |
3.6 |
4.2 |
| 1994 |
6.3 |
3.8 |
4.3 |
| 1995 |
6.3 |
3.7 |
--- |
| 1996 |
6.8 |
4.0 |
6.0 |
| 1997 |
7.0 |
4.1 |
--- |
| 1998 |
--- |
--- |
6.4 |
| |
| Sources: Glick and Spanier, 1980; Spanier, 1983;
Thornton, 1988; Current Population Surveys, 1987-1997; GSS, 1998 |
| |
| % cohabited with present spouse before
marriage |
|
| 1988 |
23.4 |
| 1994 |
28.0 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1994a |
| |
|
% Currently
Cohabitating |
% Ever Cohabited |
% Cohabited prior
to First Marriage |
|
| Women, 15-44 |
|
| 1988 |
5 |
34 |
25 |
| 1995 |
7 |
41 |
24 |
| |
| Source: see Table 3 and Abma, et al., 1997. |
| |
| aThe General Social
Surveys (GSSs) of the National Opinion Research Center, University
of Chicago, are full-probability, in-person surveys of adults living
in households in the United States. They have included a
self-completion form on sexual behavior since 1988. Sample sizes are
1988=1390, 1989=1401, 1990=1173, 1991=1296, 1993=1492, 1994=2791,
1996=2657, and 1998=2585. For more details see Davis and Smith,
1998. Unless figures are broken down by year, all GSSs have been
pooled together to cover all years. |
| |
Table 3
Levels of Cohabitation
|
|
| A. By Age Groups |
| |
|
% Currently
Cohabiting |
% Ever Cohabited |
% Cohabited prior
to First Marriage |
|
| All Adults |
4 |
25 |
17 |
|
| 19-24 |
8 |
25 |
24 |
| 25-29 |
8 |
42 |
36 |
| 30-34 |
6 |
45 |
36 |
| 35-39 |
4 |
35 |
22 |
| 40-44 |
4 |
28 |
14 |
| 45-49 |
3 |
20 |
7 |
| 50-59 |
1 |
14 |
5 |
| 60+ |
- |
6 |
2 |
| |
| Source: Bumpass and Sweet, 1989 |
| |
| All Women in 1988, |
| 15-44 |
5 |
34 |
25 |
|
| 15-19 |
|
8 |
8 |
| 20-24 |
|
32 |
30 |
| 25-29 |
|
45 |
39 |
| 30-34 |
|
45 |
33 |
| 35-39 |
|
38 |
24 |
| 40-44 |
|
26 |
12 |
| |
| Source: London, 1991; Forrest and Singh, 1990 |
| |
| All Women in 1995, |
| 15-44 |
7 |
41 |
24 |
|
| 15-19 |
4 |
9 |
2 |
| 20-24 |
11 |
38 |
17 |
| 25-29 |
10 |
49 |
30 |
| 30-34 |
8 |
51 |
34 |
| 35-39 |
5 |
50 |
31 |
| 40-44 |
4 |
43 |
23 |
| |
| Source: NCHS, 1997 |
| |
| B. Socio-demographic Groups |
| |
|
% Currently
Cohabiting
(1993-98) |
% cohabited with
present spouse
(1988, 94) |
|
| Gender |
| Men |
5.9 |
27.4 |
| Women |
4.9 |
24.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.021 |
ns |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
5.2 |
25.1 |
| Blacks |
6.0 |
32.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
ns |
ns |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
9.4 |
43.7 |
| 30-39 |
7.6 |
43.7 |
| 40-49 |
4.3 |
25.1 |
| 50-59 |
2.4 |
10.3 |
| 60-69 |
2.1 |
5.9 |
| 70+ |
0.8 |
5.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
0.7 |
19.4 |
| Widowed |
2.9 |
---- |
| Divorced |
16.2 |
---- |
| Separated |
8.4 |
---- |
| Never Married |
12.3 |
---- |
| Remarried |
1.4 |
49.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
5.4 |
28.4 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
6.3 |
36.1 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
4.0 |
25.8 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
6.4 |
27.1 |
| Other Urban |
5.2 |
23.2 |
| Rural |
4.0 |
21.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.012 |
.007 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
5.5 |
24.2 |
| High School Grad. |
6.0 |
26.9 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
5.1 |
29.5 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
4.2 |
22.2 |
| Graduate Degree |
2.7 |
26.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.001 |
ns |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
9.1 |
26.4 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
7.6 |
24.5 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
8.0 |
27.6 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
5.5 |
30.2 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
4.2 |
23.8 |
| $60,000+ |
2.1 |
26.2 |
| Refused |
2.2 |
13.5 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
ns |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
8.0 |
37.5 |
| Occasionally |
4.6 |
27.9 |
| Regularly |
2.4 |
12.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
Table 4
Marital Status at Time of Conception and Birth of Child
|
|
| A. CPS Retrospective Study, First
Births |
| |
|
1960-64 |
1965-69 |
1970-74 |
1975-79 |
1980-84 |
1985-89 |
| |
| Not married at birth |
12.7 |
14.5 |
17.8 |
22.3 |
24.4 |
28.5 |
| |
| Married at birth; not at conception |
13.9 |
15.7 |
14.5 |
11.1 |
11.1 |
10.4 |
| |
| Married at birth and conception |
73.4 |
69.8 |
67.7 |
66.6 |
64.6 |
61.1 |
| |
| % of first births conceived before marriage, but born after
marriage |
52.2 |
52.0 |
44.9 |
33.2 |
31.3 |
26.6a |
| |
| aRow 2/(Row 1 + Row
2) |
| |
| Source: Bachu, 1991 |
| |
| B. Natality Surveys, First Births |
| |
|
|
1964-66 |
1972 |
1980 |
| |
| Not married at birth |
|
14.6 |
19.0 |
25.1 |
| |
| Not married at conception; married at birth |
|
18.9 |
10.0 |
12.3 |
| |
| Married at birth and conception |
|
66.6 |
70.9 |
62.6 |
| |
| % of first births conceived before, but born after, marriage |
|
56.6 |
34.4 |
32.9 |
| |
| Source: Ventura, 1987 |
| |
| C. National Survey of Family Growth
(NSFG) Retrospective Reports |
| |
| % of children conceived before, but born after,
marriage |
|
Before
1973 |
1973-
1981 |
1982-
1988 |
| |
| All |
|
47.7 |
30.0 |
23.7 |
| |
| Whites |
|
64.2 |
43.3 |
37.7 |
| Blacks |
|
20.9 |
10.1 |
6.9 |
| |
| Source: Bachrach, Stolley, and London, 1992 |
| |
| % of children conceived before, but born after,
marriage |
|
Before
1980 |
1980-
1984 |
1985-
1989 |
1990-
1995 |
| |
|
|
44.5 |
36.9 |
26.2 |
23.6 |
| |
| Source: Abma, et al., 1997 |
Table 5
Trends in Out-of-Marriage Births
|
| |
|
% of All Births to Unmarried Mothers |
Birth Rates for Unmarried Mothers |
| |
| 1960 |
5.3 |
21.6a |
| 1965 |
7.7 |
23.5 |
| 1970 |
10.7 |
26.5 |
| 1975 |
14.2 |
24.5 |
| 1980 |
18.4 |
29.4 |
| 1985 |
22.0 |
32.8 |
| 1986 |
23.4 |
34.3 |
| 1987 |
24.5 |
36.1 |
| 1988 |
25.7 |
38.6 |
| 1989 |
27.1 |
41.8 |
| 1990 |
28.0 |
43.8 |
| 1991 |
29.5 |
45.2 |
| 1992 |
30.1 |
45.2 |
| 1993 |
31.0 |
45.3 |
| 1994 |
32.6 |
46.9 |
| 1995 |
32.2 |
45.1 |
| 1996 |
32.4 |
44.6 |
| |
|
Whites |
Blacks |
Whites |
Blacks |
| |
| 1960 |
2.3 |
21.6b |
9.2 |
98.3b |
| 1965 |
4.0 |
26.3 |
11.6 |
97.6 |
| 1970 |
5.7 |
37.6 |
13.9 |
95.5 |
| 1975 |
7.3 |
48.8 |
12.4 |
84.2 |
| 1980 |
11.0 |
55.2 |
17.6 |
81.4 |
| 1985 |
14.5 |
60.1 |
21.8 |
78.8 |
| 1986 |
15.7 |
61.2 |
23.2 |
80.9 |
| 1987 |
16.7 |
62.2 |
24.6 |
84.7 |
| 1988 |
17.7 |
63.5 |
26.6 |
88.9 |
| 1989 |
19.0 |
64.5 |
29.9 |
93.1 |
| 1990 |
20.1 |
65.2 |
31.8 |
93.9 |
| 1991 |
21.8 |
67.9 |
34.6 |
89.5 |
| 1992 |
22.6 |
68.1 |
35.2 |
86.5 |
| 1993 |
23.6 |
68.7 |
35.9 |
84.0 |
| 1994 |
25.4 |
70.4 |
38.3 |
82.1 |
| 1995 |
25.3 |
69.9 |
37.5 |
75.9 |
| 1996 |
25.7 |
69.8 |
---- |
---- |
| |
| aNumber of births
to unmarried women per 1,000 unmarried women age 15-44. |
| bIn 1960 and 1965
figures are for non-Whites. This slightly underestimates the rate
for Blacks only. |
| |
| Source: Statistical Abstracts |
Table 6
Trends in Extra-Marital Sexual Relations
|
| |
|
% Having Sexual Relations
with Person other than Spouse during Last 12 Months (Currently
Married) |
|
% Ever Having Sexual
Relations with Person Other than Spouse While Married (Ever Married) |
| |
|
All |
Men |
Women |
|
All |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1988 |
3.9 |
5.0 |
2.8 |
|
--- |
--- |
--- |
| 1989 |
3.6 |
5.8 |
1.7 |
|
--- |
--- |
--- |
| 1990 |
3.8 |
5.3 |
2.3 |
|
--- |
--- |
--- |
| 1991 |
4.4 |
5.4 |
3.4 |
|
14.6 |
21.3 |
10.0 |
| 1993 |
2.9 |
4.1 |
1.9 |
|
16.3 |
21.0 |
12.8 |
| 1994 |
2.4 |
3.6 |
1.3 |
|
15.4 |
21.2 |
11.0 |
| 1996 |
3.8 |
5.2 |
2.5 |
|
17.8 |
22.1 |
14.4 |
| 1998 |
3.6 |
4.9 |
2.5 |
|
16.5 |
20.8 |
13.4 |
| Prob. |
ns |
ns |
ns |
|
ns |
ns |
.036 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| % reporting extramarital sexual
relations: Ever married |
| |
| Birth Cohorts |
|
Men |
Women |
|
| 1933-42 |
|
37.0 |
12.4 |
| 1943-52 |
|
31.4 |
19.9 |
| 1953-62 |
|
20.5 |
14.5 |
| 1963-74 |
|
7.1 |
11.7 |
| |
| Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 |
| |
% reporting extramarital sexual
relations in last 12 months:
Currently Married, 18-75 |
| |
|
|
Men |
Women |
| |
| 1990/91 |
|
2.9 |
1.5 |
| |
| Source: Choi, Catania, and Dolcini, 1994 |
Table 7
Extra-Marital Sexual Relations by Socio-demographic Groups
|
| |
|
% Having Sexual Relations
with Person other than Spouse during Last 12 Months (Currently
Married) |
% Ever Having Sexual
Relations with Person Other than Spouse While Married (Ever Married) |
| |
| Gender |
| Men |
4.8 |
21.3 |
| Women |
2.2 |
12.5 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
3.0 |
15.5 |
| Blacks |
8.3 |
23.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
6.7 |
12.6 |
| 30-39 |
3.1 |
14.5 |
| 40-49 |
4.4 |
20.7 |
| 50-59 |
3.1 |
20.0 |
| 60-69 |
0.8 |
16.3 |
| 70+ |
1.1 |
8.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
3.0 |
10.2 |
| Widowed |
--- |
10.6 |
| Divorced |
--- |
30.9 |
| Separated |
--- |
39.7 |
| Never Married |
--- |
---- |
| Remarried |
4.7 |
22.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
5.2 |
17.9 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
3.9 |
18.7 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
3.2 |
14.8 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
2.7 |
16.8 |
| Other Urban |
3.7 |
16.0 |
| Rural |
2.5 |
14.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.044 |
.075 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
5.1 |
14.4 |
| High School Grad. |
3.4 |
17.4 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
3.3 |
16.0 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
2.3 |
13.8 |
| Graduate Degree |
3.2 |
17.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.003 |
.009 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
6.4 |
19.2 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
5.6 |
18.1 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
3.7 |
17.5 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
2.8 |
17.5 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
3.4 |
14.9 |
| $60,000+ |
2.8 |
16.7 |
| Refused |
2.4 |
9.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.001 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
3.8 |
20.9 |
| Occasionally |
4.3 |
16.4 |
| Regularly |
2.1 |
10.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Satisfaction |
| Very Happy |
2.4 |
10.2 |
| Pretty Happy |
4.4 |
17.5 |
| Not Too Happy |
15.2 |
27.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
Table 8A
A Summary of Estimates of the Percent of
Adult Americans with Same Gender Sexual Partners
|
| |
| A. Men |
| |
| Dates |
Ages/Group |
Level |
Definition |
| |
| 1970 |
21+ |
1.6-2.0 |
1+ male sexual partners in last 12 months |
|
| 1985 |
18+ |
3.7 |
"sexually attracted to members of ... your own sex"
+ volunteered responses of attracted to both opposite and same sex
or bisexual |
|
| 1987 |
18-44 |
6 |
homosexual or bisexual orientationa |
|
| 1988 |
16-54 |
4.4-6.2 |
1+ male sexual partners in last 5 yearsb |
|
| 1988-98 |
18+ |
3.0 |
1+ male sexual partners in last 12 months (sexually
active) |
|
|
3.9 |
1+ male sexual partners in last 5 years (sexually
active) |
|
| 1990a |
18+ |
1 |
identifies as "gay"c |
|
| 1990-91 |
18-49 |
6.5 |
1+ male sexual partners in last 5 years |
|
| 1991 |
20-39 |
2.3 |
1+ male sexual partners in last 10 years (sexually
active only) |
|
|
|
1.1 |
Only male sexual partners in last 10 years
(sexually active only) |
|
| 1992a |
18-59 |
2.7 |
1+ male sexual partner in last 12 months |
|
|
4.1 |
1+ males sexual partner in last 5 years |
|
|
|
6.4 |
1+ males sexual partners since puberty |
|
| 1992b |
Voters |
3.3 |
Self-identified as "Gay/lesbian/bisexual"d |
| |
| B. Women |
| |
| 1988 |
16-54 |
2.9-3.6 |
1+ female sexual partners in last 5 yearsb |
|
| 1988-98 |
18+ |
2.0 |
1+ female sexual partners in last 12 months
(sexually active) |
|
|
2.9 |
1+ female sexual partners in last 5 years (sexually
active) |
|
| 1992a |
18-59 |
1.3 |
1+ female sexual partner in the last 12 months |
|
|
2.2 |
1+ female sexual partner in the last 5 years |
|
|
3.5 |
1+ female sexual partners since puberty |
|
| 1992b |
Voters |
2.3 |
Self-identified as "Gay/lesbian/bisexual"d |
| |
| C. Men and Women |
| |
| 1990b |
18+ |
2 |
Sexual orientation not heterosexual |
| |
| Notes: |
| aPeter
D. Hart Research Associates (9/87) "How would you define your
sexuality - are you homosexual, bisexual, or heterosexual in your
orientation?" |
| bThe
lower estimate is reported in Taylor, 1993 and the higher estimate
in Sell, Wells, and Wypji, 1995. |
| cPeter
D. Hart Research Associates (4/90) "And for statistical purposes
only, could you tell me whether or not you are gay?" (men only) |
| dFrom
VRS presidential exit poll. |
| |
| Sources: |
| 1970: Rogers and Turner, 1991; 1985:
Harry, 1990; 1987: Hart Survey - see notes; 1988: Taylor, 1993 and
Sell, Wells, and Wypji, 1995; 1988-96: Davis and Smith, 1998 and see
Table 9; 1990a: Hart Survey - see notes; 1990b: Leigh, Temple, and
Trocki, 1993; 1990-91: Binson, Michaels, Stall, Coates, Gagnon, and
Catania, 1995; 1991: Billy, et al., 1993; and 1992a: Laumann,
Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 and Michaels, 1997; 1992b:
Edelman, 1993. |
Table 8B
A Summary of Estimates of the Percent of
Adult Europeans with Same Gender Sexual Partners
|
| |
| A. Men |
|
Ever |
|
Last ___ Years |
|
|
|
|
Five |
Three |
One |
|
| Great Britain |
3.6 |
1.4 |
--- |
1.1 |
|
| France |
4.1 |
1.4 |
--- |
1.1 |
|
| Denmark |
2.7 |
--- |
--- |
--- |
|
| Norway |
3.5 |
--- |
0.9 |
--- |
|
| Belguim |
6.1 |
--- |
--- |
1.6 |
|
| The Netherlandsa |
13.4 |
--- |
--- |
6.3 |
| |
| B. Women |
|
| Great Britain |
1.7 |
0.6 |
--- |
0.4 |
|
| France |
2.6 |
0.4 |
--- |
0.3 |
|
| Denmark |
3.4-4.3 |
--- |
--- |
--- |
|
| Norway |
3.0 |
--- |
0.9 |
--- |
| Belguim |
2.4 |
--- |
--- |
0.7 |
|
| The Netherlands |
4.7 |
--- |
--- |
0.6 |
|
| |
| Great Britain: Ages 16-59 in 1990-91
(Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings, and Field, 1994 and Michael,
Wadsworth, Feinleib, Johnson, Laumann, and Wellings, 1998) |
France: ages 18-69 in 1991-92 (AIDS
Investigators, 1993)
|
| Denmark: Ages 18-59 in 1989 (Melbye and
Biggar, 1992) |
| Norway: ages 18-60 in 1987 (Sundet, et
al., 1988) |
| Belguim: ages 18-49 in 1993 (Sandfort,
1998) |
| The Netherlands: ages 18-49 in 1989
(Sandfort, 1998) |
| |
| aThe
rates are much higher in the Netherlands because broader criteria
were used, e.g. "Have you ever had sexual contact with a boy or man?
By sexual contact we mean at least masturbation or jacking off." |
Table 9
|
Gender of Sexual Partners
(Sexually active only)
|
| |
| A. Trends |
|
Last 12 Months |
| |
|
Same Gender |
Both Genders |
Opposite Gender |
|
|
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1988 |
2.3% |
0.2% |
0.3 |
0.0 |
97.4 |
99.8 |
| 1989 |
1.4% |
1.2% |
0.3 |
0.4 |
98.3 |
98.4 |
| 1990 |
1.1% |
0.5% |
0.9 |
0.0 |
98.0 |
99.5 |
| 1991 |
2.0% |
0.3% |
0.7 |
0.1 |
97.3 |
99.6 |
| 1993 |
1.8% |
1.8% |
0.3 |
0.4 |
97.9 |
97.8 |
| 1994 |
2.1% |
2.1% |
0.5 |
0.4 |
97.5 |
97.5 |
| 1996 |
3.5% |
2.1% |
0.6 |
0.9 |
96.0 |
97.0 |
| 1998 |
3.3% |
2.3% |
1.2 |
0.8 |
95.5 |
96.9 |
| |
| Prob. |
.038 |
.001 |
| |
|
Last 5 Years |
| |
|
Same Gender |
Both Genders |
Opposite Gender |
|
|
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
|
| 1991 |
2.1% |
0.5% |
1.8 |
0.7 |
96.1 |
98.8 |
| 1993 |
1.6% |
1.2% |
0.6 |
1.4 |
97.8 |
97.4 |
| 1994 |
2.4% |
1.8% |
1.2 |
1.3 |
96.3 |
96.9 |
| 1996 |
3.1% |
2.0% |
1.9 |
1.5 |
94.9 |
96.4 |
| 1998 |
2.7% |
1.9% |
1.4 |
1.5 |
95.9 |
96.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.280 |
.284 |
| |
| B. Distribution by Reference Periods |
| |
|
Last 12 Months |
Last 5 Years |
Since Age 18 |
| |
|
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
|
| Same Gender |
2.4 |
1.5 |
2.5 |
1.6 |
|
|
|
|
|
5.9 |
4.6 |
| Both Genders |
0.6 |
0.5 |
1.4 |
1.3 |
| No Same Gender |
97.0 |
98.0 |
96.0 |
97.0 |
96.1 |
95.4 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| C1. Socio-demographic Differences Among
Men |
| |
|
% with Same Gender Partner |
| |
|
Last 12 Months |
Last 5 Years |
Since Age 18 |
|
| Race |
| Whites |
2.7 |
3.7 |
5.4 |
| Blacks |
5.3 |
6.3 |
10.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.003 |
.018 |
.000 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
3.5 |
4.6 |
6.2 |
| 30-39 |
3.6 |
4.7 |
6.0 |
| 40-49 |
2.8 |
3.9 |
5.6 |
| 50-59 |
2.4 |
3.0 |
5.5 |
| 60-69 |
1.9 |
2.4 |
6.2 |
| 70+ |
1.7 |
3.2 |
5.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.101 |
.152 |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
1.3 |
1.5 |
3.7 |
| Widowed |
7.7 |
7.6 |
8.3 |
| Divorced |
3.0 |
3.7 |
6.0 |
| Separated |
4.0 |
5.3 |
6.4 |
| Never Married |
8.1 |
10.2 |
11.2 |
| Remarried |
0.8 |
1.8 |
3.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
8.5 |
9.6 |
14.7 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
5.6 |
6.7 |
8.3 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
2.6 |
3.7 |
5.5 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
2.4 |
3.5 |
5.9 |
| Other Urban |
1.9 |
2.4 |
4.2 |
| Rural |
1.5 |
3.1 |
4.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
3.1 |
4.1 |
5.6 |
| High School Grad. |
2.6 |
3.7 |
5.9 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
2.4 |
3.5 |
4.9 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
4.2 |
5.0 |
6.2 |
| Graduate Degree |
3.3 |
3.7 |
6.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.004 |
.150 |
.012 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
6.1 |
8.6 |
9.4 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
4.6 |
5.6 |
8.2 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
4.0 |
5.7 |
6.9 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
2.2 |
2.9 |
5.5 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
2.7 |
3.7 |
5.0 |
| $60,000+ |
1.1 |
1.5 |
3.3 |
| Refused |
2.7 |
2.7 |
4.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
2.7 |
4.1 |
5.9 |
| Occasionally |
2.5 |
3.5 |
5.6 |
| Regularly |
3.0 |
4.2 |
6.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.722 |
.873 |
.000 |
| |
| C2. Socio-demographic Differences Among
Women |
| |
|
% with Same Gender Partner |
| |
|
Last 12 Months |
Last 5 Years |
Since Age 18 |
|
| Race |
| Whites |
2.1 |
2.8 |
4.3 |
| Blacks |
1.8 |
2.7 |
6.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.956 |
.805 |
.041 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
2.6 |
4.2 |
5.7 |
| 30-39 |
2.1 |
3.0 |
5.6 |
| 40-49 |
2.5 |
3.4 |
5.2 |
| 50-59 |
0.8 |
1.0 |
2.4 |
| 60-69 |
1.4 |
1.7 |
2.8 |
| 70+ |
0.5 |
2.4 |
2.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.005 |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
0.8 |
1.5 |
2.7 |
| Widowed |
2.9 |
2.9 |
2.5 |
| Divorced |
3.8 |
4.9 |
6.5 |
| Separated |
2.7 |
4.2 |
8.4 |
| Never Married |
5.2 |
6.6 |
8.6 |
| Remarried |
1.0 |
1.6 |
3.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
1.8 |
2.9 |
6.1 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
3.1 |
3.5 |
6.3 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
2.4 |
4.0 |
5.7 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
2.6 |
3.5 |
5.4 |
| Other Urban |
1.7 |
2.3 |
3.4 |
| Rural |
0.6 |
1.3 |
3.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.026 |
.028 |
.002 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
2.5 |
4.2 |
5.8 |
| High School Grad. |
1.8 |
2.7 |
4.1 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
2.7 |
3.6 |
4.4 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
1.7 |
2.1 |
4.0 |
| Graduate Degree |
3.3 |
4.7 |
7.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.336 |
.135 |
.001 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
3.2 |
4.9 |
6.5 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
2.5 |
3.3 |
5.6 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
2.8 |
4.1 |
5.8 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
1.8 |
3.0 |
4.3 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
1.4 |
2.2 |
3.1 |
| $60,000+ |
1.6 |
2.0 |
3.7 |
| Refused |
1.7 |
2.5 |
3.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.042 |
.006 |
.026 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
3.4 |
4.7 |
6.6 |
| Occasionally |
1.3 |
2.2 |
4.3 |
| Regularly |
1.3 |
2.1 |
2.9 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
Table 10
|
Frequency of Sexual Intercourse
(Mean number of times per year)
|
| |
| A. Trends |
|
All Adults |
| |
| 1989 |
59.5 |
| 1990 |
61.4 |
| 1991 |
60.9 |
| 1993 |
61.4 |
| 1994 |
59.6 |
| 1996 |
65.3 |
| 1998 |
59.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.036 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
|
Males 17.5-19 |
|
(sexually active) |
| |
| 1988 |
30.0 |
| 1991 |
49.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
<.001 |
| |
| Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 |
| |
|
Married Couples, 19+ |
| |
| 1987-88 |
76.3 |
| |
| Source: Call, Sprecher, and Schwartz, 1995 |
| |
| B. Socio-demographic Groups |
| |
| Gender |
| Men |
65.5 |
| Women |
57.5 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
60.9 |
| Blacks |
62.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.340 |
| |
|
Mean Number
per Year |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
82.6 |
| 30-39 |
78.6 |
| 40-49 |
63.6 |
| 50-59 |
47.4 |
| 60-69 |
27.4 |
| 70+ |
9.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
66.1 |
| Widowed |
11.6 |
| Divorced |
56.3 |
| Separated |
68.9 |
| Never Married |
58.6 |
| Remarried |
73.9 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
58.2 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
61.2 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
61.4 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
65.0 |
| Other Urban |
60.5 |
| Rural |
59.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.112 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
51.2 |
| High School Grad. |
63.7 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
71.5 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
61.5 |
| Graduate Degree |
53.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
55.0 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
59.8 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
62.8 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
65.1 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
63.9 |
| $60,000+ |
64.1 |
| Refused |
49.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
66.6 |
| Occasionally |
62.9 |
| Regularly |
50.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
Marital Satisfaction
(currently married) |
| Very happy |
73.6 |
| Pretty happy |
59.4 |
| Not to happy |
51.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Married |
| 18-29 |
111.6 |
| 30-39 |
85.7 |
| 40-49 |
69.2 |
| 50-59 |
53.8 |
| 60-69 |
32.5 |
| 70+ |
16.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Not Married |
| 18-29 |
69.1 |
| 30-39 |
65.6 |
| 40-49 |
49.8 |
| 50-59 |
31.2 |
| 60-69 |
15.7 |
| 70+ |
2.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Men |
| 18-29 |
82.2 |
| 30-39 |
79.6 |
| 40-49 |
67.6 |
| 50-59 |
56.9 |
| 60-69 |
37.6 |
| 70+ |
15.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Women |
| 18-29 |
82.9 |
| 30-39 |
77.8 |
| 40-49 |
60.3 |
| 50-59 |
39.6 |
| 60-69 |
19.7 |
| 70+ |
5.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
Table 11
|
Sexual Inactivity
|
| A. Trends |
| |
| % Having No Sexual Intercourse during
Last Three Months |
| (Women, 15-44) |
| |
|
Never Had Sex |
No Recent Sex |
Total |
| |
| 1982 |
13.6 |
5.9 |
19.5 |
| 1988 |
11.5 |
6.9 |
18.4 |
| 1995 |
10.7 |
6.2 |
16.9 |
| |
| Source: Mosher, 1990 and Abma, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % with No Sex Partner during Last 12
Months, All Adults |
| |
| 1988 |
19.8 |
| 1989 |
19.0 |
| 1990 |
16.3 |
| 1991 |
18.4 |
| 1993 |
17.4 |
| 1994 |
18.4 |
| 1996 |
15.1 |
| 1998 |
17.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.003 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| B. Socio-demographic Groups (% with No
Sex Partner, Last 12 Months) |
| |
| Gender |
| Men |
13.2 |
| Women |
21.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
17.5 |
| Blacks |
18.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.519 |
| |
|
% with No Sex Partner during Last 12 Months |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
13.1 |
| 30-39 |
6.3 |
| 40-49 |
9.5 |
| 50-59 |
17.5 |
| 60-69 |
30.7 |
| 70+ |
60.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
7.1 |
| Widowed |
77.0 |
| Divorced |
27.7 |
| Separated |
17.7 |
| Never Married |
24.6 |
| Remarried |
5.5 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
20.6 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
19.1 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
15.2 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
16.0 |
| Other Urban |
17.5 |
| Rural |
18.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
29.6 |
| High School Grad. |
16.4 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
11.8 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
13.2 |
| Graduate Degree |
11.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| % Not Sexually Active |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
33.9 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
24.1 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
17.6 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
13.0 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
11.1 |
| $60,000+ |
7.5 |
| Refused |
23.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
15.2 |
| Occasionally |
15.1 |
| Regularly |
23.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Married |
| 18-29 |
1.5 |
| 30-39 |
1.2 |
| 40-49 |
2.6 |
| 50-59 |
6.9 |
| 60-69 |
14.0 |
| 70+ |
33.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Not Married |
| 18-29 |
18.7 |
| 30-39 |
15.8 |
| 40-49 |
26.7 |
| 50-59 |
45.6 |
| 60-69 |
71.5 |
| 70+ |
91.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Men |
| 18-29 |
14.5 |
| 30-39 |
6.5 |
| 40-49 |
6.9 |
| 50-59 |
11.1 |
| 60-69 |
16.4 |
| 70+ |
43.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Women |
| 18-29 |
11.9 |
| 30-39 |
6.0 |
| 40-49 |
11.6 |
| 50-59 |
22.9 |
| 60-69 |
41.4 |
| 70+ |
72.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
Table 12
|
Reported Changes in Sexual Behavior due to AIDS
|
| NBC: Since you became aware of AIDS, have you
changed your sexual behavior in any way? |
| |
|
1/86 |
1/87 |
| |
| Yes |
7.3% |
7.4% |
| No |
92.4 |
92.1 |
| Not sure |
0.3 |
0.5 |
|
(1598) |
( 800) |
| |
| CBS: What about you personally? Have you changed
your sexual habits because you worried about getting AIDS? |
| |
|
10/86 |
| |
| Yes |
11.5% |
| No |
86.0 |
| No Opinion |
2.6 |
|
(823) |
| |
| Gallup: Which of these statements applies to you: |
|
|
10/87 |
11/91 |
| |
| Because of the risk of AIDS, I have changed my
behavior |
11% |
14% |
| |
| Because of the risk of AIDS, I am
seriously thinking of changing my behavior |
3 |
2 |
| |
| Despite the risk of AIDS, I have not
changed my behavior |
15 |
8 |
| |
| I do not need to change my behavior |
68 |
75 |
| |
| Don't Know |
3 |
3 |
| |
|
(1569) |
(1002) |
| |
| NSFGa: To keep
people from catching diseases such as genital herpes, chlamydia, or
AIDS, doctors have suggested several changes people change make in
their sexual behavior. In which of the ways shown on card 27, if
any, have you changed your sexual behavior? [Card 27 - A. Stopped
having sexual intercourse? B. Stopped having other types of sexual
relations? C. Don't have sex as often? D. Stopped having sex with
more than one man? E. Stopped having sex with men I don't know well?
F. Stopped having sex with men who are bisexual? G. Stopped having
sex with men who use needles to take drugs (or) Have made no
changes.] Which of these changes, if any have you made since
you first heard about AIDS? |
| |
|
Women, 15-44 |
Sexually Experienced Only |
| Made Change Since AIDS |
| 1988 |
13.3% |
15.0% |
(8450) |
| 1988 |
--- |
14.4% |
|
|
|
|
|
}(2832) |
| 1990 |
--- |
18.0% |
| |
| aMcNally and
Mosher, 1991 and Mosher and Pratt, 1993 |
| |
| CBS: Some people say they changed things about their
sexual behavior in order to reduce their chances of getting AIDS.
Have you changed your sexual habits because you are worried about
getting AIDS? |
| |
|
1/89 |
6/91b |
11/91c |
|
| Yes |
19% |
20% |
23% |
| No |
78 |
77 |
75 |
| No Answer/DK |
3 |
3 |
2 |
|
(594) |
(1424) |
(1709) |
| |
| bOmits "things
about" and uses "afraid of" instead of "worried about." |
| cLos Angeles Times.
Omits "things about" and uses "afraid of" instead of "worried
about." |
| |
| NORC: Have you made any kinds of change in your
sexual behavior because of AIDS? (18-59) |
|
|
1992 |
| |
|
All |
Men |
Women |
| Yes |
29.7 |
35.1 |
25.4 |
|
(3148) |
| |
| Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michael, 1994 |
| |
| % change in sexual behavior due to AIDS by marital
statusc |
| |
|
NBC
(1/87) |
Gallup
(10/87) |
NSFGd
(1988) |
CBS
(6/91) |
NORCe
(1992) |
| Married |
2.9 |
6.8 |
3 |
8 |
12.0 |
| Not married |
17.5 |
19.0 |
31 |
43 |
--- |
| Never married |
24.0 |
21.7 |
-- |
-- |
52.4 |
| Divorced |
8.2 |
27.4 |
-- |
-- |
| Separated |
*** |
*** |
-- |
-- |
}47.0 |
| Widowed |
5.0 |
2.7 |
-- |
-- |
| |
| ***=too few cases ---=not available |
| cBecause of
differences in wordings, these figures are not directly comparable. |
| dSexually active
women, 15-44. |
| eAges 18-59. |
Table 13
|
Avoiding AIDS
|
| Do you take any special steps or precautions to
avoid catching AIDS, or not? |
| |
|
Harris
1/1985 |
Harris
11/1987 |
PSRA
11-12/1992 |
| |
| Yes |
41% |
49% |
60% |
| No |
57 |
0 |
39 |
| Not Sure |
2 |
1 |
1 |
|
(1256) |
(1250) |
(1250) |
| CBS/NYT: Is there anything in particular you have done
to avoid getting AIDS? |
| ABC/WP & Roper: Is there anything you yourself are doing
to avoid exposing yourself to AIDS? |
|
ABC/WP
9/85 |
CBS/NYT
9/85 |
CBS/NYT
10/86 |
ABC/WP
3/87 |
Roper
3/87 |
ABC/WP
6/90 |
CBS/NYT
6/93 |
| |
| Yes |
22% |
13% |
18% |
37% |
43% |
54% |
49% |
| No |
77 |
85 |
80 |
63 |
53 |
45 |
49 |
| Don't Know |
1 |
2 |
1 |
-- |
4 |
1 |
2 |
|
(1512) |
( 762) |
( 823) |
(1511) |
(1017) |
(1020) |
(1347) |
| |
| What is that? |
| |
| Cut down on sexual activity |
2 |
1 |
-- |
3 |
|
1 |
-- |
| Avoided oral sex |
* |
-- |
-- |
* |
|
1 |
-- |
| Avoided anal sex |
-- |
-- |
-- |
* |
|
1 |
-- |
| Avoided prostitutes |
-- |
-- |
-- |
* |
|
1 |
-- |
| Avoided homosexual sex |
-- |
1 |
1 |
-- |
|
-- |
-- |
| Avoid kissing |
-- |
-- |
* |
-- |
|
-- |
-- |
|
| Limited number of sex partners |
1 |
-- |
* |
3 |
|
10 |
19 |
| Monogamy |
2 |
-- |
3 |
7 |
|
12 |
--a |
| Abstained |
* |
-- |
1 |
3 |
|
5 |
7 |
| Used condomsb |
* |
-- |
1 |
4 |
|
10 |
12 |
| Knew sexual history of partnersc |
-- |
2 |
3 |
1 |
|
1 |
-- |
| Slept only with partners who had tested negative for HIV |
-- |
-- |
-- |
1 |
|
1 |
-- |
| |
| Note: Multiple responses allowed. It is not known how
many reported one or more sexually related precautions. All categories
explicitly relating to sexual behavior are listed above. Some sexual
activity may also be referred under vague categories like "Change
lifestyle" and "Avoid homosexuals." Different surveys used different
coding schemes for responses so the comparisons are approximate only. |
| |
| *=less than 0.5% |
| aThe absence of a
Monogamy category in the 1993 CBS/NYT survey probably explains the
increase of responses coded under the Limited sexual partners category. |
| b"Use condoms/Practice
safe sex" in 1993 CBS/NYT survey. |
| c"Careful who date" in
1985 CBS/NYT survey; "Practice care with people dating" and "Select sex
partners more carefully" in 1986 CBS/NYT survey. |
| |
| NORC: Have you made any kind of changes in your sexual
behavior because of AIDS? IF SO: What have you changed? |
| |
|
|
|
1992 |
| |
| Any Change |
|
29% |
| |
| Used condoms more frequently |
|
9 |
| |
| Monogamy |
|
8 |
| Abstinence |
|
3 |
| Fewer partners |
|
3 |
More careful in selecting
partners/Get to know
partners |
|
8 |
| Less frequent sex |
|
1 |
| |
| More careful (unspecified) |
|
2 |
| Other |
|
8 |
| |
| |
| Source: Feinleib and Michael, 1998 |
| Note: Multiple responses allowed. |
Table 14
|
Number of Sexual Partners
|
| A. Trends |
| |
| % with total number of lifetime sexual partners among
high school students |
| |
|
2+ |
4+ |
| |
| 1989 |
40 |
24 |
| 1990 |
-- |
19 |
| 1991 |
35 |
19 |
| 1993 |
-- |
19 |
| |
| Prob. |
<.05 |
<.05a |
| |
| Source: Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of Epidemiology
and Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; Reproductive Health, 1992;
and "Youth Risk Behavior Survey," 1995. |
| probability test for
1989-1991 only. |
| |
| % with 4+ sex partners, Ages 14-21 |
| |
|
1992 |
| |
| 14-17 |
13.3 |
| 14-19 |
15.9 |
| 14-21 |
63.0 |
| 18-21 |
41.3 |
| |
| Sources: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and
Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b |
| |
| % with 4+ Male Lifetime Sexual Partners, Sexually
Experienced Women 15-44 |
| |
| 1988 |
43.1 |
| 1990 |
47.1 |
| 1995 |
46.9-49.2 |
| |
| Note: Higher figured based on self-completion form.
Lower number should be more comparable to earlier figures. |
| Source: Mosher and Pratt, 1993 and Abma, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % with 4+ male sex partners in last 12 months,
Unmarried Women, 15-44 in 1995 |
| |
|
Interview |
Self-
Completion |
| |
| All |
3.3 |
8.6 |
| 15-29 |
3.7 |
7.4 |
| 20-24 |
4.6 |
11.2 |
| 25-29 |
2.9 |
9.0 |
| 30-34 |
2.9 |
8.7 |
| 35-39 |
2.7 |
8.3 |
| 40-44 |
1.2 |
5.7 |
| |
| Source: Abma, et al., 1997 |
| |
| Last 12 months, Adults |
| |
|
None |
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5-9 |
10-19 |
20+ |
Mean |
| |
| 1988 |
19.8 |
67.2 |
5.0 |
3.2 |
1.8 |
2.0 |
0.6 |
0.5 |
1.49 |
| 1989 |
19.0 |
68.7 |
6.3 |
3.0 |
1.3 |
1.6 |
0.1 |
0.1 |
1.14 |
| 1990 |
16.3 |
71.4 |
5.6 |
2.6 |
1.6 |
1.7 |
0.1 |
0.6 |
1.58 |
| 1991 |
18.4 |
71.2 |
5.9 |
1.9 |
0.8 |
1.4 |
0.3 |
0.1 |
1.12 |
| 1993 |
17.4 |
72.0 |
5.6 |
2.1 |
1.4 |
1.3 |
0.2 |
0.1 |
1.12 |
| 1994 |
18.4 |
70.6 |
6.0 |
2.4 |
1.1 |
1.2 |
0.2 |
0.1 |
1.09 |
| 1996 |
15.1 |
72.2 |
6.1 |
3.2 |
1.6 |
1.3 |
0.3 |
0.2 |
1.28 |
| 1998 |
17.4 |
70.7 |
6.0 |
2.2 |
1.5 |
1.4 |
0.3 |
0.1 |
1.24 |
| |
| Prob. |
|
|
|
|
.000 |
| |
| Last 5 Years, Adults |
| |
| 1991 |
11.3 |
60.3 |
8.3 |
6.7 |
3.3 |
6.0 |
2.7 |
1.5 |
2.70 |
| 1993 |
12.6 |
59.0 |
8.5 |
6.5 |
4.5 |
6.2 |
2.0 |
0.8 |
2.42 |
| 1994 |
11.1 |
59.4 |
8.6 |
7.2 |
4.1 |
6.4 |
1.8 |
1.4 |
2.79 |
| 1996 |
10.0 |
57.8 |
10.2 |
7.2 |
4.7 |
6.4 |
2.2 |
1.2 |
2.83 |
| 1998 |
11.2 |
59.0 |
9.2 |
6.0 |
4.7 |
5.7 |
2.0 |
0.9 |
2.50 |
| |
| Prob. |
|
|
|
|
.281 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| Since Age 18, Adults |
| |
|
Mean Number of Sexual Partners |
| 1989 |
6.8-7.2a |
| 1990 |
6.5-7.0 |
| 1991 |
7.4-8.1 |
| 1993 |
7.4-8.0 |
| 1994 |
8.4-9.0 |
| 1996 |
8.9-9.5 |
| 1998 |
7.5-7.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.006-.011 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
|
| several different
techniques were used to handle item non-response. The above figures
represent the low and high estimates based on how missing data are
estimated. |
| Number of Sexual Partners |
| |
| B. Socio-demographic Groups |
| |
|
% with 2+ Sex Partners |
| |
|
Last 12 Months |
Last 5 Years |
|
| Gender |
| Men |
16.9 |
37.0 |
| Women |
9.4 |
24.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
11.0 |
28.3 |
| Blacks |
21.6 |
44.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
26.7 |
61.8 |
| 30-39 |
13.1 |
34.3 |
| 40-49 |
9.0 |
23.1 |
| 50-59 |
5.5 |
14.7 |
| 60-69 |
2.7 |
8.2 |
| 70+ |
1.0 |
4.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
2.9 |
12.0 |
| Widowed |
3.2 |
10.8 |
| Divorced |
23.5 |
56.2 |
| Separated |
31.7 |
56.9 |
| Never Married |
31.8 |
63.1 |
| Remarried |
4.5 |
21.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
18.6 |
41.0 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
15.4 |
37.0 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
11.1 |
28.8 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
11.5 |
31.1 |
| Other Urban |
11.6 |
27.9 |
| Rural |
8.3 |
22.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
13.2 |
27.2 |
| High School Grad. |
13.1 |
32.6 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
12.4 |
33.6 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
9.8 |
28.3 |
| Graduate Degree |
7.4 |
20.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
19.8 |
45.5 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
16.7 |
39.7 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
13.8 |
36.6 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
10.5 |
31.5 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
7.7 |
23.2 |
| $60,000+ |
8.8 |
20.6 |
| Refused |
8.9 |
18.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
16.6 |
39.5 |
| Occasionally |
13.2 |
32.1 |
| Regularly |
4.9 |
14.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
|
Mean Number of Sexual Partners
Since Age 18b |
| |
| Gender |
| Men |
12.4 |
| Women |
4.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
7.7 |
| Blacks |
8.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.329 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
6.0 |
| 30-39 |
8.3 |
| 40-49 |
9.9 |
| 50-59 |
10.0 |
| 60-69 |
6.5 |
| 70+ |
4.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
5.0 |
| Widowed |
3.9 |
| Divorced |
13.6 |
| Separated |
10.3 |
| Never Married |
8.7 |
| Remarried |
12.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
8.8 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
9.9 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
7.4 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
9.3 |
| Other Urban |
7.0 |
| Rural |
5.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
5.9 |
| High School Grad. |
7.8 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
9.1 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
8.5 |
| Graduate Degree |
9.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
7.5 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
8.0 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
7.6 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
8.4 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
8.0 |
| $60,000+ |
8.1 |
| Refused |
6.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.350 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
10.8 |
| Occasionally |
7.1 |
| Regularly |
4.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| boa the several
estimating procedures utilized, the one used for these figures minimizes
the amount of missing data. The relationships report here are very
similar to those found by two alternative methods. |
Table 15
|
Relationship with Sex Partners
|
| A. Trends |
| |
| % Whose Least Familiar Sexual Partner During the Last 12
Months was... |
| |
|
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1993 |
1994 |
1996 |
1998 |
Paid Partner/
Pick-up |
3.4% |
3.1% |
3.5% |
3.9% |
3.7% |
3.5% |
4.3% |
3.6% |
Not Regular
Partner,
Unspecified |
1.9 |
1.8 |
1.6 |
1.9 |
1.4 |
2.1 |
1.5 |
2.6 |
| Acquaintance |
2.9 |
2.6 |
2.6 |
2.2 |
2.4 |
2.3 |
3.7 |
3.0 |
| Friend |
5.3 |
5.3 |
5.2 |
4.8 |
3.5 |
4.4 |
4.9 |
3.9 |
| Regular Partner |
65.9 |
67.7 |
70.1 |
67.1 |
70.5 |
67.9 |
69.2 |
68.6 |
| Unspecified |
0.6 |
0.7 |
0.6 |
1.8 |
1.2 |
1.4 |
1.4 |
0.9 |
| No Sex Partner |
19.8 |
19.0 |
16.3 |
18.3 |
17.4 |
18.4 |
15.1 |
17.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
|
|
|
|
.000 |
| |
| % in "On-going Relationship" |
|
|
|
|
|
|
92.3 |
89.9 |
| |
| Prob. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
.004 |
| |
| B. Socio-demographic Groups |
| |
|
% with Paid/Pick-up+
Acquaintance |
| Gender |
| Men |
10.1 |
| Women |
3.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
6.1 |
| Blacks |
8.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
14.8 |
| 30-39 |
7.0 |
| 40-49 |
4.2 |
| 50-59 |
3.0 |
| 60-69 |
0.9 |
| 70+ |
0.5 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
1.3 |
| Widowed |
1.1 |
| Divorced |
12.3 |
| Separated |
15.5 |
| Never Married |
18.3 |
| Remarried |
1.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
9.1 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
8.4 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
5.8 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
6.3 |
| Other Urban |
6.0 |
| Rural |
4.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
5.6 |
| High School Grad. |
7.0 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
7.1 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
5.9 |
| Graduate Degree |
4.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
9.6 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
9.0 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
7.7 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
5.5 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
4.4 |
| $60,000+ |
4.6 |
| Refused |
4.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
9.5 |
| Occasionally |
6.4 |
| Regularly |
2.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Notes: |
| a) People with more than one partner are classified
according to the partner least familiar to them. |
| |
b) The categories used above are defined as follows:
Paid Partner/Pick-up: "Person you paid or paid you for sex" or "Casual
date or pick-up"
Not Partner: Not a Partner (see below), other information missing.
Acquaintance: "Neighbor, co-worker, or long-term acquaintance"
Friend: "Close personal friend"
Partner: "Husband or wife or regular sexual partner"
Unspecified: all information missing
No Sex Partner: No sex partners reported |
| |
| c) Based on an analysis of the two categories with
missing information (Not Partner, Unspecified and Unspecified), these
two groups were placed along the closeness continuum according to where
they on average fit. For example, Not Partner, Unspecified represented
fairly distant relationships that fall between Paid/Pickups and
Acquaintances. |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| II. In an "On-going Relationship" with Most Recent
Sexual Partner |
| |
|
% in On-going Relationship |
| |
| All |
91.1 |
| |
| Gender |
| Men |
88.2 |
| Women |
93.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
91.7 |
| Blacks |
87.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
86.0 |
| 30-39 |
91.7 |
| 40-49 |
93.9 |
| 50-59 |
92.5 |
| 60-69 |
93.4 |
| 70+ |
91.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.004 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
95.4 |
| Widowed |
91.1 |
| Divorced |
90.3 |
| Separated |
89.3 |
| Never Married |
79.9 |
| Remarried |
96.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
85.8 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
87.1 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
92.9 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
93.9 |
| Other Urban |
92.3 |
| Rural |
90.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
83.3 |
| High School Grad. |
91.6 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
95.1 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
91.6 |
| Graduate Degree |
97.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
85.9 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
88.1 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
89.2 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
92.3 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
93.6 |
| $60,000+ |
94.5 |
| Refused |
90.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.078 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
88.9 |
| Occasionally |
91.9 |
| Regularly |
93.4 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| C. Other |
| |
| Relationship to Partner at First Voluntary Intercourse |
| |
|
Just Met |
Just Friends |
Went Out Once in a While |
Going Steady |
Engaged |
Married |
Other |
| |
| All Women |
2.5% |
9.4 |
8.3 |
61.0 |
6.2 |
12.2 |
0.4 |
| |
| 15-19 |
2.8% |
10.5 |
9.7 |
72.7 |
2.8 |
1.5 |
0.1 |
| 20-24 |
3.5% |
10.2 |
8.3 |
69.4 |
2.9 |
5.4 |
0.4 |
| 25-29 |
2.5% |
10.0 |
8.5 |
63.8 |
5.1 |
9.9 |
0.3 |
| 30-34 |
1.9% |
9.3 |
9.4 |
61.9 |
6.5 |
10.5 |
0.5 |
| 35-39 |
2.9% |
9.4 |
8.2 |
56.4 |
7.5 |
15.2 |
0.5 |
| 40-44 |
1.6% |
8.1 |
6.6 |
50.8 |
9.4 |
23.0 |
0.7 |
| |
| Source: Abma, et al., 1997 |
Table 16
|
Trends in Arrests for Prostitution and Commercialized Vice
|
| |
|
(Arrests per 100,000 population) |
| |
| 1970 |
32.5 |
| 1971 |
34.0 |
| 1972 |
27.9 |
| 1973 |
29.2 |
| 1974 |
39.8 |
| 1975 |
28.0 |
| 1976 |
33.4 |
| 1977 |
40.4 |
| 1978 |
43.4 |
| 1979 |
40.6 |
| 1980 |
41.2 |
| 1981 |
48.1 |
| 1982 |
59.3 |
| 1983 |
59.4 |
| 1984 |
49.1 |
| 1985 |
49.8 |
| 1986 |
48.8 |
| 1987 |
49.9 |
| 1988 |
41.7 |
| 1989 |
44.3 |
| 1990 |
47.1 |
| 1991 |
42.9 |
| 1992 |
40.9 |
| 1993 |
41.5 |
| 1994 |
41.8 |
| 1995 |
41.3 |
| 1996 |
42.7 |
| |
| Source: FBI, 1996 |
Table 17
|
Paid Sexual Partners
(Men)
|
| A. Trends |
|
% Ever Paid for Sex |
% Paid for Sex in Last Year |
| |
| 1988 |
--- |
0.5 |
| 1989 |
--- |
0.3 |
| 1990 |
--- |
0.4 |
| 1991 |
17.8 |
1.2 |
| 1993 |
17.0 |
0.5 |
| 1994 |
16.3 |
0.5 |
| 1996 |
16.9 |
0.5 |
| 1998 |
14.2 |
0.7 |
| Prob. |
NS |
NS |
| |
| B. Socio-demographic Differences in Use of
Prostitutes |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
15.5 |
0.4 |
| Blacks |
22.7 |
1.9 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
7.5 |
0.7 |
| 30-39 |
14.4 |
0.6 |
| 40-49 |
19.9 |
0.6 |
| 50-59 |
22.7 |
0.4 |
| 60-69 |
24.3 |
0.5 |
| 70+ |
17.6 |
0.0 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.391 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
13.3 |
0.3 |
| Widowed |
21.6 |
0.3 |
| Divorced |
25.1 |
1.3 |
| Separated |
26.3 |
3.2 |
| Never Married |
12.7 |
1.1 |
| Remarried |
23.4 |
0.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
20.0 |
2.0 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
18.4 |
0.7 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
18.9 |
0.8 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
19.5 |
0.5 |
| Other Urban |
13.7 |
0.3 |
| Rural |
12.6 |
0.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.003 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
13.1 |
1.1 |
| High School Grad. |
17.1 |
0.3 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
19.4 |
1.5 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
15.8 |
0.8 |
| Graduate Degree |
15.1 |
0.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.064 |
.003 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
13.5 |
2.2 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
19.9 |
1.2 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
15.4 |
0.5 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
17.0 |
0.3 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
18.5 |
0.4 |
| $60,000+ |
14.1 |
0.1 |
| Refused |
17.1 |
0.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.019 |
.000 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
18.8 |
0.7 |
| Occasionally |
15.8 |
0.7 |
| Regularly |
11.8 |
0.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.133 |
| |
| Veteran Status |
| Served in Military |
37.1 |
0.8 |
| Did not Serve |
12.4 |
0.5 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
.467 |
| |
| Marital Satisfaction |
| (currently married) |
| Very happy |
14.3 |
0.0 |
| Pretty happy |
18.7 |
0.3 |
| Not to happy |
16.1 |
4.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.011 |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
Table 18
|
Trends in Condom Use
|
| A. Most Recent Sexual Intercourse |
| |
| % Using Condom at Most Recent Intercourse, Sexually
Active Males 17-19 in Metropolitan Areas |
|
1979 |
1988 |
| |
| All |
21.1 |
57.5 |
| |
| Non-Blacks |
20.5 |
56.5 |
| Blacks |
23.2 |
62.0 |
| |
| Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1989; Sonenstein, Ku,
and Pleck, 1997 |
| |
| % Using Condom at Most Recent Intercourse, Sexually
Active Males, 17.5-19 |
| |
|
1988 |
1991 |
| |
|
53.0 |
55.9 |
| |
| Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 |
| |
| % Using Condom at Most Recent Intercourse among Sexually
Active High School Students |
| |
|
1990 |
1991 |
1993 |
1995 |
1997 |
| |
| All |
45 |
46.2 |
52.8 |
54.4 |
56.8 |
| Men |
49 |
54.5 |
59.2 |
60.5 |
62.5 |
| Women |
40 |
38.0 |
46.0 |
48.6 |
50.8 |
| |
| Source: Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of Epidemiology
and Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; Reproductive Health, 1992;
Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995 & 1998. |
| |
| % Using Condoms among Never-Married, Sexually
Experienced Males, 15-19, at Last Sexual Intercourse |
| |
| 1988 |
56.9 |
| 1995 |
67.0 |
| |
| Source: Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, and Pleck,
1998 |
| |
| % Using Condom During Last Sexual Intercourse, Adults
18+ |
| |
|
1996 |
|
1998 |
| |
|
20.4 |
|
18.7 |
| |
| Prob. |
|
.146 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
| |
| Use of Condom with Most Recent Sexual Partner among
Males 15-19 in 1988, Reinterviewed in 1990/91 |
| |
|
% Used Condom First Time |
% Used Condom Most Recent Time |
| |
| 17-18 |
59.1 |
54.7 |
| 19-20 |
55.6 |
42.4 |
| 21-22 |
45.8 |
34.9 |
| |
| Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1994; Sonenstein, Ku,
and Pleck, 1997 |
| |
| % Using Condom During Most Recent Intercourse among
Sexual Active Teens, 12-17 |
| |
|
|
1990 |
| |
| All |
|
57 |
| Males |
|
67 |
| Females |
|
47 |
| |
| Source: Leigh, Morrison, Trocki, and Temple, 1994 |
| |
| % Using Condom During Most Recent Sexual Intercourse,
Ages 14-21 |
| |
|
14-17 |
14-19 |
14-21 |
18-21 |
| |
| 1992 |
58.6 |
58.3 |
43.5 |
38.9 |
| |
| Sources: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and
Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b |
| |
| % Using Condom During Vaginal Intercourse at Last Sexual
Event, Adults 18-59 |
| |
|
1992 |
| |
| All |
16.3 |
| |
| Men |
18.0 |
| Women |
15.0 |
| |
| Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michael, 1994 |
| |
| % Using Condom at Last Intercourse: Never-Married, 14-22 |
| |
|
1992 |
|
Women |
Men |
| |
| A11 |
43.9 |
56.9 |
| |
| 14-15 |
52.2 |
73.2 |
| 16 |
53.8 |
57.9 |
| 17 |
49.0 |
66.1 |
| 18 |
43.8 |
52.8 |
| 19 |
43.2 |
56.8 |
| 20 |
35.5 |
47.4 |
| 21-22 |
36.2 |
50.9 |
| |
| Note: These exclude some uses of condoms along with
other contraceptives. Total condom could have been as high as 47.1% for
women and 59.4% for men. |
| |
| % Using Condom during Last Sexual Intercourse: College
Students, 18-24 |
| |
|
1995 |
| |
|
37.7 |
| |
| Source: Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % Using Condom during Last Sexual Intercourse with
Female: Males, 15-19 |
| |
| 1995 |
64.4-64.0 |
| |
| Note: First number is from self-completion using paper.
Second number is from audio-computer assisted, self-completion. |
| Source: Turner, et al., 1998 |
| |
| B. First Sexual Intercourse |
| |
| % Using Condom at First Premarital Intercourse, Women
15-44 in 1988 |
| |
|
Date of First Sexual Intercourse |
| |
|
1965-69 |
1970-74 |
1975-79 |
1980-82 |
1983-88 |
| |
| All |
24.0 |
21.0 |
22.0 |
26.7 |
41.8 |
| |
Non-Hispanic
Whites |
24.6 |
22.8 |
23.7 |
27.7 |
45.4 |
Non-Hispanic
Blacks |
24.7 |
17.0 |
24.3 |
29.2 |
32.4 |
| |
| Source: Mosher and McNally, 1991 |
| |
| % Using Condom at First, Premarital Voluntary
Intercourse, Women 15-44 in 1995 |
| |
|
Date of First Sexual Intercourse |
| |
|
All |
Pre-1980 |
1980-84 |
1985-89 |
1990-95 |
| |
|
29.2 |
18.3 |
25.1 |
36.4 |
54.3 |
| |
| % Using Condom at First Sex, Females, 15-44 |
| |
| 1975 |
18 |
| 1988 |
36 |
| 1995 |
54 |
| |
| Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 |
| |
| % Using Condom at First Intercourse, High School
Students |
| |
|
1994 |
| |
|
63-65% |
| |
| Source: "Teens Talk," 1994 |
| |
| % Using Condom at First Voluntary Sex, Females, 15-19 |
| |
|
1995 |
| |
|
66% |
| |
| Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 |
| |
| C. Misc. Recent Usage |
| |
| % of Time Condom Used Among Those Sexually Active in
Last 12 Months, Males 17.5-19 |
| |
|
1988 |
1991 |
| |
| A11 |
51.0 |
54.7 |
| |
| Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 |
| |
| Condom Use Among Heterosexuals with Multiple Partners,
18-49 |
| |
|
% Always Using Condoms |
|
|
Main Partner |
Secondary Partner |
| |
| Wave 1 (1990-91) |
21 |
24 |
| Wave 2 (1991-92) |
22 |
33 |
| |
| Source: Catania, Coates, Peterson, et al., 1993 |
| |
| % Using Condoms for Every Sexual Intercourse during Last
12 Months among Never-Married, Sexually Experienced Males, 15-19 |
| |
| 1988 |
33.1 |
| 1995 |
45.0 |
| |
| Source: Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, and Pleck,
1998 |
| |
| Source: Santelli, et al., 1997 |
| |
| % Using Condom as Main Current Method of Contraception:
Women, 15-44 |
| |
|
All |
15-29 |
20-24 |
25-29 |
30-34 |
35-39 |
40-44 |
| |
| 1982 |
12 |
21 |
11 |
11 |
12 |
12 |
11 |
| 1988 |
15 |
33 |
15 |
16 |
12 |
12 |
11 |
| 1995 |
20 |
37 |
26 |
24 |
18 |
17 |
12 |
| |
| Source: Piccinino and Mosher, 1998 |
| |
| % Using Condoms for Contraception or STDs in Past Three
Months Among the Sexually Active, Women 15-44 |
| |
|
Never |
Some |
Always |
| |
| All |
78.1 |
12.3 |
9.6 |
| |
| Married |
87.5 |
6.1 |
6.4 |
| Unmarried |
59.5 |
24.6 |
15.8 |
| |
| Source: Mosher and Pratt, 1993 |
| |
| % Using Condom during Last 4 Weeks: Males |
| |
|
|
1991 |
| |
| 17.5-19 |
|
52 |
| 20-24 |
|
39 |
| 25-29 |
|
33 |
| 30-34 |
|
21 |
| 35-39 |
|
17 |
| |
| Note: For those under 25, based on only those sexually
active in last four weeks. |
| Source: Sonenstein, Ku, and Pleck, 1997 |
| |
| % Using Condoms Alone or With other Methods: Women,
15-44 |
| |
|
|
1995 |
| |
| All |
|
23.4 |
| 15-19 |
|
46.1 |
| 20-24 |
|
33.7 |
| 25-29 |
|
27.6 |
| 30-34 |
|
20.5 |
| 35-39 |
|
17.7 |
| 40-44 |
|
12.8 |
| |
| Source: Piccinino and Mosher, 1998 |
Table 19
|
Condom Use During Most Recent Sexual Intercourse by
Socio-demographic Groups
|
| |
|
% Using Condom |
| |
| All |
19.6 |
| |
| Gender |
| Men |
21.2 |
| Women |
18.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.009 |
| |
| Race |
| Whites |
17.7 |
| Blacks |
32.8 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Age |
| 18-29 |
35.3 |
| 30-39 |
22.1 |
| 40-49 |
15.0 |
| 50-59 |
10.8 |
| 60-69 |
10.3 |
| 70+ |
6.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Marital Status |
| Married |
12.0 |
| Widowed |
12.1 |
| Divorced |
22.5 |
| Separated |
24.4 |
| Never Married |
43.9 |
| Remarried |
6.3 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Community Type |
| Top 12 Central Cities |
33.5 |
| Top 100 Central Cities |
24.7 |
| Suburbs of Top 12 |
19.2 |
| Suburbs of Top 100 |
19.7 |
| Other Urban |
16.3 |
| Rural |
15.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Education |
| Less than High School |
16.5 |
| High School Grad. |
20.1 |
| Assoc. Col. Degree |
20.9 |
| Bachelor's Degree |
21.8 |
| Graduate Degree |
14.6 |
| |
| Prob. |
.011 |
| |
| Household Income |
| Less than $10,000 |
31.3 |
| $10,000-19,999 |
22.4 |
| $20,000-29,999 |
20.2 |
| $30,000-39,999 |
19.1 |
| $40,000-59,999 |
16.7 |
| $60,000+ |
14.9 |
| Refused |
20.2 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Church Attendance |
| Rarely |
21.9 |
| Occasionally |
20.4 |
| Regularly |
14.1 |
| |
| Prob. |
.000 |
| |
| Source: GSS, 1998 |
Footnotes
1A 1998 study for the Kaiser Family
Foundation by Princeton Survey Research Association indicates that 14% of
adults 18-44 who have ever had sexual intercourse have had an STD other than
AIDS. For rates among youths see Ellen, Aral, and Madger, 1998.
2This report addresses a number of
measurement issues, but does not focus on methodology and measurement error.
For recent discussions of the reliability and validity of sexual behavior
data see Auster, n.d.; Bachrach, Evans, Ellison, and Stolley, 1992; Biggar
and Melbye, 1992; Binson and Catania, 1998; Boekeloo, et al., 1994; Brody,
1995; Brown and Sinclair, 1996; Catania, Binson, Canchola, Pollack, Hauck,
and Coates, 1996; Catania, Canchola, and Pollock, 1996; Catania, Gibson,
Chitwood, and Coates, 1990; Catania, McDermott, and Pollack, 1986; Catania,
Turner, Pierce, Golden, Stocking, Binson, and Mast, 1993; Downey, Ryan,
Roffman, and Kilich, 1995; Dunne, Martin, Bailyet, Heath, Bucholz, Madden,
and Stalham, 1997; Edelman, 1998; Ellish, Weisman, Celentano, and Zenilman,
1996; Giami, 1996; Hornsby and Wilcox, 1989; Huygens, Kajura, Seeley, and
Barton, 1996; Jasso, 1985 and 1986; Johnson and Delamater, 1976; Kahn,
Kalsbeck, and Hofferth, 1988; Karabatsos, 1997; Lauritsen and Swicegood,
1997; Maass and Volpato, 1989; Metzler, et al., 1992; Miller, 1995 & 1996;
Morris, 1993; Newcomber and Udry, n.d.; Orr, Fortenberry, and Blythe, 1997;
Padian, Aral, Vranizan, and Bolan, 1995; Peterman, 1995; Seal, 1997; Shew,
et al., 1997; Smith, 1992a; 1992b; Sonenstein, 1997; Tourangeau, Rasinski,
Jobe, Smith, and Pratt, 1997; Tourangeau and Smith, 1996; 1998; Tourangeau,
Smith, and Rasinski, 1997; Trivedi and Sabini, 1998; Turner, Rogers,
Lindberg, Pleck, and Sonenstein, 1998; Upchurch, et al., 1991; Wadsworth,
Johnson, Wellings, and Field, 1998; Weinhardt, et al., 1998; Wiederman,
1997; Zenilman, et a1., 1995; and Zimmerman and Langer, 1995.
3Work by Schuster, Bell, and Kanouse,
1996 suggests that precise definitions of sexual intercourse are needed to
understand the trends and what sexual activities are occurring. In their
sample of 9-12th graders in a Los Angeles County school district, they found
that 35% of those who had never had vaginal intercourse had had gential
sexual activity in the last year including masturbation with a partner
and/or oral and anal sex.
4We use the term "sexual orientation" as
a shorthand to refer to the gender of one's sexual partners. Our usage is
based on behavior and not on preference or psychological identification.
Similarly, we will use "gays" to refer to men who have had male sexual
partners and "lesbians" to refer to women who have had female sexual
partners. Unless otherwise indicated these terms will include "bisexuals"
(i.e. people who have had both male and female sexual partners).
"Homosexuals" refers to men or women who have had same gender sexual
partners.
On issues relating to definitions and terminology see Bevier, Chiasson,
and Hefferman, 1996; Doll and Beeker, 1996; Gonsiorek and Weinrich, 1991;
Michaels, 1997; Rietmeijer, et al., 1998; Kennamer and Bradford, 1998; and
Rankow, 1996.
5It is generally believed that including
adolescent behavior would further increase these rates, but firm numerical
estimates are not available. For some indication of this see Billy, Tanfer,
Grady, and Klepinger, 1993 and Faulkner and Cranston, 1998. However, other
surveys of young adult and teenage sexual orientation do not conform this
(Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993; "Teens Talk," 1994). Spanning the lower
and higher estimates, Turner et al. (1997) found that among males 15-19 in
1995 1.5% reported homosexual relations on a paper, self-completion
questionnaire, but 5.5% did so on an audio-computer assisted,
self-completion questionnaire.
6There is more missing data on the adult
lifetime figures than for the 1 and 5 year figures. Information on sexual
orientation over the last year and five years were used to reduce the
missing data. 10.9% have incomplete information, 3.0% have had no sexual
partners, 82.1% are heterosexual, and 3.9% bisexual or homosexual. This
latter group contains anyone who indicated same gender partners during the
last year, last five years, or since age 18. The largest group of incomplete
cases are those who reported the number of opposite gender partners, but
skipped the same gender question. Close inspection of the incomplete cases
on variables such as marital status, number of children ever born, and
attitudes towards homosexuality indicates that the missing cases have a
profile even more heterosexual than the identified heterosexuals (e.g. more
negative towards homosexuality, more like to be/have been married, more
likely to have had children). In the figures cited here we exclude the
sexually inactive and assign the cases with incomplete information
proportional to the known cases. This procedure yields a higher number of
homosexual /bisexual identifications than are indicated by the profile of
the incomplete cases (Smith, 1996).
7For an attempt to use contemporary data
to project trends backwards through a cohort model see Rogers and Turner,
1991.
8Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 show a
decline in homosexual behavior among males 17.5-19 between 1988 and 1991,
but question the reliability of their own numbers.
9A notable exception is a 1991 United
States sample of men 20-39 and women 20-37 that found 2.3% of men and 4.1%
of women had a same gender partner in the last 10 years (Tanfer, 1994). This
anomalous result may result from their question. They asked people to rate
their sexual activity on a five-point scale from exclusively heterosexual to
exclusively homosexual.
10The concentration of gays in large
urban centers also occurs in Europe (AIDS Investigators, 1992 and Johnson,
Wadsworth, Wellings, Bradshaw, and Field, 1992).
11On knowledge among adolescents see
Kann, et al., 1998.
12For change data from Sweden and
Finland see Herlitz, 1993 and Kontula and Haavio-Mannila, 1994.
13The reports are questionable because
of problems of recall and attribution. Any question on retrospective change
depends on ones ability to accurately report not only what current behavior
is, but also what past behavior used to be. Thus retrospective change
reports tend to be less reliable because they depend on accurate recall and
because they are based on two estimates (present and past). These questions
are further problematic because they ask people to associate changes in
sexual behavior to AIDS. This involves first accurately recalling that the
change came after learning about AIDS and second correctly identifying
concern over AIDS as the cause of the change. This second step is
particularly difficult since the questions are biased towards having people
attribute changes as due to AIDS and since changes are usually multi-causal
rather than mono-causal. For example, on the 1991 CBS survey 5% of changers
reported they had gotten married or become monogamous because of AIDS. While
some marriages have undoubtedly occurred because of AIDS, it is quite
possible that AIDS was a minor factor in the decision to get married and may
not have led to more or earlier marriages than would have occurred in the
normal course of things.
The indication of an upward trend is problematic because the period since
learning about AIDS (most adults learned about AIDS in the mid-1980s,
Singer, Rogers, and Corcoran, 1987) has been lengthening. Recall over longer
periods is less accurate so the reliability of the reports is lessening over
time. In addition, more changes occur over a longer period and attributing
those changes to AIDS, or any other event, becomes less certain. Also, the
longer period means that the match between current statuses and past changes
are less certain. For example, a person married for five years may be
reporting on a) changes prior to the marriage, b) the marriage itself as a
change, c) changes since the marriage, or d) some combination. Because of
these problems, the "have you changed your sexual behavior because of AIDS"
questions are less than ideal.
14One sexual risk factor not discussed
is type of sexual activity (e.g. vaginal, anal, and oral intercourse). On
the comparative risk of these behaviors see Susser, Desvarieux, and
Wittkowski, 1998.
15On male bisexuals see Doll and Beeker,
1996; Ekstrand, Coates, Guydish, Hauck, Collette, and Hulley, 1994 and
Stokes, McKirnan, and Burzette, 1993.
16On discrepancies between the reports
of men and women see Smith, 1992a; Wadsworth, Johnson, Wellings, and Field,
1996; and Wiederman, 1997.
17In addition, for males 15-29 in 1995
0.7% said they had ever had sex with a prostitute on a paper self-completion
form, but 2.5% report such behavior on an audio-computer-assisted,
self-completion form (Turner, et al., 1998).
18Among legal Nevada brothel workers the
median number of customers per month was 69 (presumably counting repeat
customers more than once) (Albert, Warner, and Hatcher, 1998). This number
is probably higher than averaged by illegal sex workers. On the frequency of
repeat customers see Freund, Lee, and Leonard, 1991. See also, Cusick, 1998.
19For a similar increase among a small
group of college women see DeBuono, Zinner, Daamen, and McCormack, 1990. For
figures on condom sales in 1983-1988 see Moran, Janes, Peterman, and Stone,
1990.
20The lowering of the average age of
menarche may also contribute to this widespread pattern (Ehrhardt and
Wasserheit, 1991).
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